"The Chiefs of Grant" (1883) by Sir William Fraser
Volume I, Chapter 14

JAMES GRANT, SEVENTH OF FREUCHIE, LADY MARY STEWART (MURRAY), HIS WIFE, 1637-1663.

[240] JAMES GRANT, eldest son and heir of Sir John Grant of Freuchie, succeeded his father in the Grant estates just when events were ushering in the struggle between King Charles the First and the Covenanters. He lived through that king's reign, during the closing years of which Strathspey, as one of the main outlets from the Highlands into the south, became the scene of much warfare. He also lived through the domination of Cromwell's protectorate, and saw the opening years of the restoration. During this troublous time it was not to be expected that the Grant estates should increase in prosperity, especially considering the encumbered condition in which they were bequeathed to this Laird, yet, in very difficult and trying circumstances, they were maintained with little diminution, although they narrowly escaped the dangers of a forfeiture. This Laird, it will be seen, took an active part in the affairs of his country, and for his services King Charles the Second intended to create him Earl of Strathspey. While the patent was in progress the Laird died suddenly, and the dignity was not confirmed to his son, then a minor, who afterwards, from his position, was commonly called the Highland King.

When Lady Lilias Murray, Lady Grant, the grandmother of this Laird, wrote the memorandum of her children's ages in 1622, she made a note of the fact that James Grant, son to her son, would be six years old at the ensuing term of Midsummer in that year. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 221. This makes the date of his birth 24th June 1616, and corroboration is found in the statement of age on his portrait, which implies that he was forty-two in 1658, when it was painted. When in his eighteenth year, James and some of his brothers were at Aberdeen for their education under the care of J. Leslie, who, in a letter to Sir John Grant respecting his charges, informs him of [241] their good health and diligence in employing their time towards "proficiencye in learning," Original Letter, J. Leslie to Sir John Grant,10th February 1634, at Castle Grant. and in a letter to his grandmother, Lady Lilias, from Aberdeen, James Grant himself acknowledges the receipt of certain necessaries which had been craved for him in his guardian's missive. Original Letter, James Grant to Lady Lilias Murray, 3d March 1634, ibid. In the beginning of the following year Sir John Grant took one of his Sons with him to Edinburgh, and left him in the care of Mr. John Hay, Clerk of the Privy Council, who promised to treat him as his own son. Original Letter, John Hay to Sir John Grant, dated 4th April 1635, at Castle Grant. This, however, does not appear to have been James, as, in a letter to Sir John, David Murray, writing from Edinburgh under the same date as Mr. John Hay, informs him that his son had departed for London in company with the Clerk Register, with whom he had made an appointment to meet at Tranent for the journey. Original Letter, dated 4th April 1635, ibid. This son, there can be no doubt, was James, who, after going to London, appears to have gone abroad under the charge of Colonel Henry Bruce, and to have been in the camp of Field Marshal Leslie when it was threatened with an attack. It is not improbable that he held a minor commission in the army. In a letter to his father, James Grant acquaints him with his "good acceptance heir with yovr cosine Colonel Hary. He esteimes of me as his oven soon, and thanks yovr worship in recommending me to him. Yovr worship most think thus a greait curtesie that he heth doone to me. I have werie good quarters of him, and my intertinement besydes in his oven hoose. As for yovr worship's cosing Colonel Ruthven, I have resaved many words boot fey curtesies. The Failt Marciall Lesly hes entertained me werie kyndly, and hes promised to be my good freind. Sir, we have good days heir, and as for my self, I can maik a fiftie dolovrs a mounth to hey boowts and shovn withall. But I feare our quarturs shall be short heir, the enimie is covming doon heir werie strong one ws." Original Letter, undated, Ibid.

James Grant had returned to Scotland before the end of 1636, as on 15th November of that year he wrote to his grandmother, Lady Lilias Murray, that he had unexpectedly been forced to pass south to [242] Edinburgh, and there wait upon good shipping. Original Letter at Castle Grant. But, whether James Grant had gone from home for travels or military service, he was recalled. by the death of his father on 1st April of the following year, to assume the management and responsibilities of the Grant estates.

By his father's testament, which was drawn up hurriedly on his deathbed, James Grant was appointed co-executor with his mother in the settlement of the affairs of the deceased. One of his first acts was to arrange with his mother, who was seriously affected by the deed of revocation executed by Sir John, of all grants made to his wife, except those secured to her by their contract of marriage. Mary Ogilvie renounced in her son's favour her right of executry, giving as her reason for so doing her desire to avoid "the great troubill, trawellis, and chargis," in which she would be involved by accepting the office of executrix. and "the great fascherie" which would ensue upon her intromissiori with her late husband's moveable goods. For her liferent settlement, it was agreed that she should have the lands secured to her by the contract of excambion of 1634, which included the barony and castle of Urquhart, Lethindie, the kirktoun of Cromdale, and some adjacent lands in the barony of Cromdale, Glenlochy in the barony of Freuchie, and Wester Tulloch, with the lands of Mulben and others in the barony of Rothes. The result of this arrangement was that James Grant obtained the sole management of the estates. But, at his entry upon them, they were encumbered with large debts, and also with the provisions to the two dowagers, for Lady Lilias Murray was still alive. Extract Discharge and Renunciation, dated at Freuchie, 11th May 1637, ibid.

The witnesses to the arrangement between James Grant and his mother were George Earl of Seaforth, James Lord Deskford, Thomas McKenzie of Pluscardine, Sir Robert Innes of Balveny, James Sutherland, Tutor of Duffus, and John Grant of Moyness, and these appear to have appended their signatures not merely as formal witnesses to the due execution of the deed of arrangement, but to have been present as the young Laird's council of advice. To their names may also be added that of John Grant, younger of Ballindalloch. There is no record of the [243] expression of any desire on the part of the late Sir John Grant that these noblemen and gentlemen should act the part of curators to his son, but it may have been a deathbed wish. If not, it was a prudent step on the part of the young Laird himself, to enter upon his first engagements by the advice of sage and influential neighbours.

They had at this time, however, not only the Laird's estate to look after, but to deal with the Laird himself in a matter of grave concern. While in the south, James Grant appears to have fallen in love with a young lady of noble birth, Lady Jane Fleming, youngest daughter of John, 1st Earl of Wigton. She sincerely returned his affection, and they had gone so far as either to contract a form of private marriage, or, at least, to pledge themselves by oath to one another. Several of the letters which passed between the young Laird and Lady Jane Fleming have been preserved, and show that, after the death of his father, he either repented of his attachment to the lady, or permitted himself to be prevailed upon by his friends to break off the engagement. They evidently thought that in the Laird's circumstances the match was not likely to be sufficiently advantageous, and so gave their verdict against it. To them, however, it is due to say that the Laird did not at first reveal the full extent of his intercourse with Lady Jane until matters had proceeded too far for recall, and when they became aware of this they were much concerned for the Laird's honour and credit. His law-agent in Edinburgh, James Gibson, was consulted, and, after personal interviews with the lady, was impressed with her love for the Laird, and her suitableness in every way for him, that he joined his entreaties to those of the lady herself, that the Laird would celebrate their marriage. At a later date the agent had to perform the duty of conveying a formal discharge to the lady, He wrote the Laird with details of the interview. "I will protest," he says, "befoir God, I neuer knew ane moir modest, sober, wysse, nobell woman euir all my dayes, and I think, and am sorie to say it, that by want of hir ye ar depryweit of ane great blissing; and yit, T know this ijiuche, hir lowe is so great that scho wald stay sum vpon. Be wysse, and remember of your great aith given, for it is moir nor certane the giveing thairof. A nd remember scho hes werie guid freinds, and, if it desert absolutlie, ye [244] will find deadlie hatred heir of Wigtowne, Roxburghe, and Johnstowne, and your awin name mutche bleameit. Scho onlie stayeis in this towne vpon this answer." Original Letter, dated 19th July 1637, at Castle Grant. Notwithstanding this appeal from the family lawagent, the match was not completed. The lady did not long survive, as appears from a letter from the law-agent to the Laird, intimating that "your maisteres Ladie Jeane Fleyming is departit this lyf in my Lord Jonstounes hous off Newbie, the 21st of this instant." Original Letter, James Gibson, Edinburgh, to James Grant of Freuchie, dated 27th December 1638, at Castle Grant. Newbie, near Annan, was one of the mansions of James, first Lord John stone. His mother, Sara Maxwell, married, as her second husband, John Earl of Wigton, and that connection accounts for the residence and death of Lady Jean Fleming at Newbie.

While James Grant was at Edinburgh for the funeral of his father, lie entered into the arrangements with the Crown necessary to enable him to enter upon the estates. As he still was within a few months of being twenty-one years of age, the ward and non-entry of his lands might be gifted by the Crown until the entry of the heir, and to obviate inconvenience from this, James Grant secured the friendly intervention of John Eat) of Kinghorn and Mungo Viscount of Stormont. With them as cautioners, on 4th April 1637 he entered into a bond for six thousand merks, which he borrowed from Sir John Hope of Craighall. For his own security the Earl of Kinghorn obtained the gift of the ward and non-entry of the lands of the late Sir John Grant of Freuchie, with the marriage of his heir, Original Gift by King Charles the First, dated 4th April 1637, at Castle Grant but he assigned it to James Grant as soon as the sum in the bond was discharged. In the assignation the Earl of Kinghorn says: "My name was allenerlie borrowit be the said James Grant, now of Frewquhy, to the foresaid gift to his awin behove," and only inserted therein for the relief of himself and the Viscount of Stormont as cautioners for James Grant in the bond, which he adds, "was maid and grantit for the corn positioun of the said gift and no vther causes." James Grant, however, paid the money in November, and received the assignation shortly thereafter. Original Assignation, dated 1st December 1637, ibid.

Sometime previous to the latter date James Grant, being now of lawful age, had been retoured heir to his father, Extract Retour, dated 28th July 1637, ibid. and infeft in the [245] lands held of the Crown in the counties of Elgin and Inverness. Original Precepts and Instruments of Sasine, dated 25th October and 11th November 1637, at Castle Grant. Of the church lands in Strathspey he received infeftment in 1638, on a precept by John Bishop of Moray, Original Instrument of Sasine, dated 26th April 1638, ibid. and in the following year his right to the possession of all the lands in his own person was completed by his infeftment on a precept from James Earl of Murray in the lands and lordship of Abernethy. Original Precept and Instrument of Sasine, dated 28th June and 31st July 1639, at Castle Grant.

The Covenanting struggle into which the country was at this time drifting, in the earlier stage of its development affected the Highlands more than any other part of the country, inasmuch as warfare and bloodshed were initiated in these regions. After the Lowlands had given in their adhesion to the Covenant, steps were taken to obtain the signatures of the Highland nobility and lairds, and among others James Grant of Freuchie signed the bond, but the Marquis of Huntly and a few others stood aloof. The first public appearance of the Laird in defence of the Covenant was at the conference between the Earls of Argyll and Montrose, Lord Couper, the Master of Forbes, and others, held at Perth on 14th March 1639. Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. i. p. 143. From minute accounts of the income and expenditure of the Laird, dating from November 1637 to the end of 1640, or shortly after his marriage, his movements during this period can be traced. On the occasion of the conference he left home on the 11th March, and proceeding by Brechin and Glamis, reached Perth on the 13th. After spending three days in that town, he returned home by the same route. The Laird's departure to this meeting called forth a letter of warning from his brother-in-law, Sir Walter Innes of Balveny, whom lie had employed to ask the Marquis of Huntly's assistance in a matter, the nature of which is not stated. Innes adhered to the Marquis, and in the letter indicated both his own and Huntly's regret at the side the Laird had chosen, and in particular that he had set out for this meeting, which had been discharged by the King, while its convener, the Earl of Argyll, was summoned to Court. Innes also informed the Laird that until the Marquis saw how he intended to act, he would not consider the [246] particular subject referred to, but that if, in returning home, he would come to Aberdeen and abandon his present line of conduct, he would find the Marquis unchanged in his friendship, and ready to act with him in the matter, in which case he was sure it would be "happilie effectuated." Vol. ii. of this work, p. 67.

The Laird, however, did not see cause to withdraw his assistance from the Covenanting movement, and though he does not appear to have called at Aberdeen on the return journey, he paid a visit to it shortly after wards, when it was occupied by the Covenanting army, and Huntly and his eldest son made prisoners. Spalding, recounting the entry of the Covenanting army into Aberdeen, mentions that almost every man had a blue ribbon hung about his neck, which was called the Covenanter's ribbon, and was worn by them in opposition to the red or "royal ribbin" worn by the Marquis of Huntly's followers on their hats. It is significant of the Laird's zeal in the cause he had adopted, that when in Aberdeen on this occasion he expended £7, 12.s 6d. in the purchase of "blew ribbans." He left Aberdeen and returned home on the 13th of April, when the army under Montrose, who was then an active Covenanter, after reducing the town to subjection to his party, vacated it.

A meeting of the Covenanting leaders to determine their future conduct was appointed to be held at Turriff on the 26th of April, and a considerable number of Highland magnates assembled, the Lairds of Innes and Freuchie coming out of Moray to be present. But as several of the more important leaders were absent, including the Earl Marischal, the Earl of Seaforth, Lord Fraser, and the Master of Forbes, the meeting adjourned to reassemble at the same place on the 20th of May following. This meeting, however, was prevented.

Montrose had placed the Marquis of Huntly and his eldest son under arrest and sent them to Edinburgh, but Lord Aboyne, Huntly's second son, at once took steps to carry forward the opposition begun by his father to the progress of the Covenanters. Having obtained intelligence of the intended meeting, and that some of the Covenanting lairds, with their men, were beginning to assemble at the rendezvous at Turriff a week before the day appointed, he resolved to strike a blow before the gathering had attained [247] its full strength. By a night march he succeeded in reaching Turriff, just as the dawn was breaking on the 14th of the month, and immediately set his forces in array for battle. The Covenanters, hastily aroused, did the same, but unable to stand before the fire of Aboyne's men, they turned and fled; and this, the first exchange of arms between the contending parties, obtained the derisive title of the "Trot of Turriff." Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. i. p. 186. Aboyne took several prisoners, but did not follow up his success further than by plundering several of the Covenanting lairds' houses, and occupying Aberdeen.

The Laird of Freuchie was not present, and had no share in this engagement, but it threw the Covenanting lairds generally into some consternation, not knowing what steps Aboyne might take next. In his MS. History of Rose of Kilravock, Shaw says that on the 14th of May, after the Trot of Turriff four thousand men met at Elgin under the Earl of Seaforth, the Master of Lovat, the Master of Reay, George, brother to the Earl of Sutherland, Sir James Sinclair of Murkle, the Laird of Grant, young Kilravock, the Sheriff of Moray, the Laird of Innes, the Tutor of Duffus, and others, who encamped at Speyside to keep the Gordons from entering Moray, and remained in their encampment until the pacification of Berwick was intimated to them, about the 22d of June. Rose of Kilravock, p. 323. In this position they lay for some time without instructions from the Covenanting leaders. Rumours of preparations by the Gordons for still more serious work, and of King Charles's approach to Berwick reached them, and in the perplexity of inactive suspense, the Laird addressed the following letter to his uncle, James Earl of Findlater, requesting any information, and his advice as to what should be done:

Pitchaise, the 5 of Junij 1 639.
MY WERIE NOBLE LORD, - I wonder that I newer receawit ane adwertisement from your Lordship since my last parting from yow at Glenshee: bot now hawing directit the bearer to the Earle of Montroise, I would iiot omit to wrvt to your Lordship that yow may let me know how all things gois; for all this weik bygan, I hawe bein lyen at Balvenie, letwix the Lowlands and the Hielands, quhilk is the most dangerous place in all the countrey, if the feares wer as men apprehends, quhair I receiwit no adweitisment how to cane myself, nor quhat to doe. Quherfore I intreat your Lordship to let me hawe your best adwyse, and [248] informe me particularlie how all our effaires, both southe and northe, gois. Quhat farder I would say I remit it to the hearer. In the mean tyme I remain,
Your Lordship's affectionat nephew and humble serwand,
JAMES GRANT of Freuquhye. Original Letter at Castle Grant.

The Covenanting leaders were, however, by this time moving to action. Aboyne, still active against the Covenant, had betaken himself to Court, and at his request the King instructed the Marquis of Hamilton to give him reinforcements, but he only obtained some ships, with which he returned to Aberdeen. In his absence the Earl Marischal had been joined by Montrose at Dunnottar, and Aberdeen had been again restored to the possession of the Covenanting leaders, who thereafter made preparations for raising as great an army as possible. The following letter, signed by both Marischal and Montrose at Dunnottar, was at this time despatched to the anxious Laird:
From Dunnottar, the 6 of June 1639.

HONORABLE AND LOUING COVSIN, - Wee exspected to haue seene yow, together with others of your countrey men, conveened there before your people had so summarily dissolued. Aiwayes wee acknowledge it to be none of your fault (knowing your affection to the good of this cause), which yow haue euidenced now at this tyme, to ours and all good men's content ment. Howsoeuer, seeing wee haue ane meitting appoynted on Thursday and Fredday next, the thretteent and fourteent of this instant, on this syd of Spay, towards the bounds of Strabogge, for the recouerye of quhat has beene miserably miscarryed - these are to intreat yow earnestly to keep that dyett with such company as yow can make, that be your aduyse and concurrence such courses may be taken as shall tend to the preseruation of this cause, to the good and well of the countrey, and to our owne safetyes; which being confident yow will doe, we are,
Your most affectionat freinds,
MARISCHALL. MONTROSE. Original Letter ibid.

Immediately after this summons, the Laird received a letter from his granduncle, Patrick Earl of Tullibardine, who had declared for the King against the Covenanters. The Earl enclosed in his letter the King's last proclamation, and earnestly counselled the Laird yet to repent, though late, and submit himself to the King, with whom he was sure he would find favour, if he delayed not too long. Vol. ii. of this work, p. 68. It is probable, however, that the Laird was not induced to alter his profession, and that he attended the conference at Strathbogie, though he does not appear to have supplied any [249] part of the forces under Montrose, or to have been present at the engagement between the latter and Aboyne at Stonehaven. This last encounter proved more disastrous for Aboyne than the Trot of Turriff did for the Covenanters, but the arrival of King Charles at Berwick, and the pacification which followed, restored harmony to the Highlands for a brief space.

The national troubles being thus allayed for the moment, the Laird turned his attention to domestic matters, and especially to the celebration of his marriage with Lady Mary Stewart, only daughter of James Earl of Murray, and his Countess, Lady Anne Gordon, eldest daughter of George, first Marquis of Huntly. From the letters written by Lady Nary Stewart before her marriage, it is evident that the courtship which preceded the marriage had extended over a considerable period, certainly from a time prior to the death of the Earl of Murray in August 1638, if not prior to Sir .John Giant's death in the previous year. But the letters, being both undated and unsubscribed, give no clue to the precise time. The proposed marriage was opposed by the Earl of Murray, and after his death the lady's brother was of the same mind as his father, and refused his sanction. Lady Mary refers to her cousin, George Lord Gordon, as being in their confidence to further the marriage, and it is thus rendered probable that the letter written by the Laird to the Marquis of Huntly, after the outbreak of the civil contention, had reference to this matter, although, for the reason assigned, the Marquis refused to take it in hand. The ardent affection of Lady Mary surmounted all opposition. Her constancy to her lover is well expressed in the following letters:

"Tho I be bared by absence from the confort of your wished sight, yit am I so confidenL of your constancie, that the only houp therof is a soueing meadisine to my greif. 1 baue writin to our cusine Master Oeorg to heastin his repaer hither, not doubting but the Lady my mother will lay doun ane present way to him quhou our bisines shall be motioned. I kno ther will be no let if our fatheris think us not to neir of kinread, bot many thowsandis haue beine maclied that war in the sam degrie. For my aun part, let all the impedimentis hapin that fortun can dewyss, thay shall not all be ahell to cheang me from yow or ty me to any uther, and sine I last saw yow, I haue bein hardly seat upon, bot be the assistance of God and strenth of my unchangabell loue to yow, I haue giuin ane absolut repulss, asuring my father that I will quyt all that I cane cleam in this worlde befor I mach with any saue your self.

[250] So that now the Lady haeth mead him content that it be spokin to my Lord, and if his Lordship be als weill pleased to deall kyndli and nobillie as he, I lioup the bargaene shall not be tedius in making; bot let them part ther ann particullaris amongest them, I only crave your hart in excheang of myn, of which the quholl world, nor anything that can happine thairin, shall neuer he abel! to beraue you, if yow do not, by infreinging your fath, forss me to break it in sunder, and so seperating my self from the loue of you and all the world; bot I will newer expect such sour froutes quhar I haue fond so sueit blossumes: and so will uphold my lyf with the assurence that yow will be as I bane awoued to continow, quhich is,
Unchangabily yours.

"I troust this boldnes will not ofend yow, since it doth proseid from a most sinceir afection, nather can I imagine that your uther wertewis can lack so fit a companion as gratitud to mak up a perfect hermonie of all perfectionis. Do not, I beseich yow, ather doubt of my loyaltie, nor think that I haue rashly interprysed to win your favor, for as it is long since yow was the first in my hart, so haue I purcheased ther lyking to the bisines quho ar heir, and if your self betray not the confidence quhich I haue to find a reciprocall afection, I troust your parantis will, and may be als weill pleased as myn. I louk for sum houpfull answer, that I may the mor boldly atemp to win ther lyking; till quhan, and euer, I will unchangabillie remaen,
Absolutlie and only youris.

"Houbeit, in your ansuer to my last letter, I receaued no such satisfactione to my earnest demand as I expected, yett being werie confident of yowr wnchangable affectione and constant fawowr, I haue this oonce adwentured to plead at yowr hands for a better then the former. I perswad myself what did fiou from yow was by constraint, quhilk macks me far from impuiting the least aspersion of ingratitude to zow, ore being any way suspicious of that sinceir loyaltie I know to be in you. I repose werie much in the bearers taciturnitie in keiping silence and his fidelitie in presenting these of myne to zow, and reporting yowrs againe to me, so that I hope ther shall be greatter secrecie then heirtofor heath bein. I expect for the best, and hops zow will not frustrat my long and patient expectation, hut will returne me that quherin I may acqwiesce and rest content. In doing quherof yow will tye me now as formerlie to con tinow,
Absolutly and only yowrs. Original Letters at Castle Grant.

Having occasion, in April 1640, to go to England, James Earl of Murray, before leaving, established his sister Lady Mary in a house at Elgin. He "gave order," says Spalding, "for keiping of hir houss in honorabill maner. He gaue to hir the haill jewellis and goldsmith work belonging to hir defunct mother. He keipit her poiss Treasure himself." Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. i. p. 262. This was [251] an opportunity not to be neglected, and the Laird and Lady Mary went quietly about the preparations for their wedding. The household accounts record that the Laird, with servants and horses, was for several days together at Elgin, and that purchases were made of material for apparel to the Laird, among which are two payments of £14, 7s. 6d. and £8, 13s. 8d. for ribbons, the latter being expressly stated as having reference to the Laird's marriage. Then a payment of £13, 10s. to Pluscardine's servants at the "brydele," with disbursements for carcases of beef, mutton, and other viands, while some days afterwards Lady Pluscardine was repaid £43, 8s. 4d., which she had "depursit for sweit meattis, spyces, and ane karkaise of beef, the tyme of the Laird's marriage." Household Accounts at Castle Grant.

The marriage appears to have been celebrated on the 24th or 25th of April 1640, neither the lady's brother nor any of her friends being present. Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. i. p. 263. Previous to the marriage Lady Mary executed a deed, by which she conveyed to her "very honourable and trusty friend James Grant of Freuchie," who, she says, "hes wndertaken to doe and performe certane hussines and affaires tending to my honour," her right to the lands of Overlarust and Dalnazeild provided to her by her deceased father, James Earl of Murray. All the witnesses to this deed were Grants and servants to the Laird. Original Assignation, dated 23d April 1640, at Castle Grant. On the following day, the 24th April, and still before the marriage, the Laird granted a bond to Lady Mary Stewart with regard to her liferent portion. The marriage was celebrated by Mr. Gilbert Marshall, minister of Abernethy, who, for having performed the ceremony without proclamation, was suspended by the Synod of Moray "from his chairge for the space of three Sabbottis." Records of the Synod of Moray.

Lady Mary's brother, James Earl of Murray, does not appear to have resented his sister's marriage without his consent, or if he did so at first, his displeasure soon gave place to a steady friendship towards the Laird, his brother-in-law. The marriage relations, so far as property was concerned, between the Laird and Lady Mary, his wife, were amicably adjusted with the Earl in a contract made between them at Forres on 19th [252] May 1643, in terms of an earlier minute of contract relative to the same subject. By this contract, both the bond granted at the marriage by the Laird and the minute referred to were implemented, and James Grant obliged himself to infeft his wife in liferent in certain of his lands able to yield an annual rent of sixty chalders, or, in money, three thousand merks: also to provide his estate to the eldest heir-male of the marriage, and make suitable provision for any daughters to be born. On the other hand, the Earl of Murray paid with his sister a tocher of twenty-two thousand pounds Scots, getting from the Laird a renunciation of the lands assigned to him at the marriage by Lady Mary Stewart. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 456. The charter of Lady Mary's liferent lands was granted by the Laird the same day. Original Charter, dated 19th May 1643, at Castle Grant.

This did not yet complete the marriage settlement, as in the obligation made by the Laird to his wife before their marriage, he had promised to give her twenty chalders of victual over and above the sixty now bestowed. To secure that this would be done, he granted formal letters of obligation a few days after the making of the contract, 22d May 1643 and in 1648 he implemented it by granting to Lady Mary Stewart the lands of Lethindie and tower thereof with other lands in Cromdale, the lands of Glenlochy, and the manorplace, tower, and fortalice of Freuchie or Ballachastell, all to be possessed by her if she survived her husband. In this charter, which is dated 30th November 1648, Freuchie is designated a palace (palatium). Original Charter at Castle Grant. These two charters were afterwards confirmed at Edinburgh in 1653, by the "keeperis of the libertie of England, by authoritie of Parliament." Charter of Confirmation, dated 13th December 1653, at Castle Grant.

Towards the end of the year 1640, in which James Grant of Freuchie married Lady Mary Stewart, another marriage was celebrated in the family. This was the union of Kenneth Mackenzie of Gareloch with Annas, second daughter of Sir John Grant, and sister to the Laird. By his father's marriage-contract he was obliged to pay a tocher of five thousand pounds Scots with his sister. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 415; also Receipt and Discharge for full payment of the dowry of five thousand merks, dated 3d June 1643, ibid.

The Laird continued to maintain a steady adherence to the [253] covenanting cause, although, in doing so, he acted against the wishes of several of his relatives, including his own mother, who was at that time living on her liferent lands of Urquhart. In the month of July 1640, the Earl of Argyll had written to the Laird, requesting him to come to Edinburgh in the following month, as the Council meditated taking action with "the Braes," and would value his advice and assistance. Vol. ii. of this work, p. 15 It does not appear that the Laird complied with the Earl's request, as there is no reference to such a journey in the Chamberlain's Accounts of expenditure for that period; but he was none the less zealous to have the Covenant subscribed in every part of his estates. He approached his mother to have the cause furthered in Urquhart, but she put him off with a mere verbal permission, and refused to give her written authority. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 231. To a request also proffered by him, that she would permit the lands of Urquhart to be stented for men to be sent south, or give the Laird her written authority to do it himself, she also gave a refusal, as she had already given such authority to Major-General Monro, but she added, that if the Laird came to Urquhart, with the authority of the General or of the Tables, he might do what he pleased, without contra(1iction from her. Lady Grant also refused concurrence with her son's request, on the plea that she was not able, "in respect of many gryte harmes, iniureis, and oppressionis that my said sone hes done to me his mother vnnaturaflie." Ibid. p. 332.

Indeed, the relations between the Laird and his mother were somewhat strained, and had gone the length of mutual recrimination. The latter had complained of her son to one of the principal noblemen of the Covenanting party, arid he had written admonishing the Laird, who replied in the following terms

MY L0RD, - I receavit your Lordship's letter, the contents quheirof sould be verie wnplesant to any Christiane, mutche lese to me, wpone whome it is conferrit verie wndesei vitlie, for I think that all Covenanteris sould amend thairlyves, if justlie we tak the contentis of the Covenant, and oath thairin contenit, to hart. And if theis calumnies and wnjust aspertiones wer deservit by me, spokkine of by my mother to your Lordship against me, I think I sould not be worthie to be thocht participant to have the name of ane tovenanter. Bot all that I crave is that your Lordship wald direct ane warrand to sume nobilman or [254] gentilman in this countrey to convein ws befor thame, that I may be vindicat efter tryall fra sutche wnjust aspertiones. Remeid I crave non, in respect of the partie; but that your Lord ship salbe spaireing in tyme coming to suffer your eares to be possest with wnwarrantable reportis but tryall, and if wther wayes I be fund geiltie, I am content to be examplarlie punishit. I will intreat your Lordship to obey me in this reasonable suite, to the effect that I iney be the mor incuragit to goc one with yow in this warrantable and religious course for the preservatioune of our religioune, liberties, and estait, quhilk sail never till death be deficient in my part. I have obeyit your Lordship's last demands in taking service for the preservatioune of the gentrie of Morray fra the incursiounes of limmeris and vagabounds, and this part of my letter I remitt to the gentries owne letter. Soe, expecking your Lordship's answer, I rest, and ever sail approve myself to be,
Your Lordship's affectionat servant and freend. Original Draft Letter, undated, at Castle Grant.

James Grant of Freuchie held several judicial appointments at this time. He was one of several justices commissioned for the suppression of broken men in the shire of Inverness, among the others appointed being James Earl of Murray, and Sir ilobert Innes of that Ilk. Their duties included the trial of thieves, sorners, and robbers. The commission was remitted by the Estates to the Secret Council, with the declaration that whatever they enacted therein should have the validity of an Act of Parliament. This was one of the measures passed during the presence of King Charles the First in the Scottish Parliament, and is dated 16th November 1641. Acts of tile Parliament of Scotland, vol. v. p. 714.

A meeting of this Commission is recorded by Spalding as being held at Elgin from the 10th to the 12th of August 1642. The sederunt was composed of the Marquis of Huntly, the Earl of Murray, the Lairds of Innes and Grant, the King's advocate, and others, and their principal object was to take order with the Clan Gregor, John Du Gar (one of the Macgregor leaders), and other "Hieland lymmaris," and their receivers. The robbers themselves did not assist in carrying out the programme, as they could not be laid hold of, but the commissioners cited the receivers of the "lawless lymmeris," and accused them of giving them meat, drink, and entertainment. They answered that the charge was true, because they durst not deny them entertainment for fear of their lives and spoiling of their goods. But, says Spalding, there was "no respect had to the good [255] ressone of thir poor bodies, hot wes seveirlie fynit and pvnishit for thair recept, and thir rascall robberis them seiffis left onpvnishit or onsocht for." Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland, vol. ii. p. 176.

The Laird was also appointed, on 15th August 1643, by the Estates of Parliament, one of the commissioners for the county of Elgin, in connection with the loan and tax raised to defray the expense of the Scots army sent to Ireland, Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. vi. part i. p. 28. and he was twice placed by the same authority, in August 1643 and July 1644, on the Committees of War for the counties of Elgin and Nairn, a portion of Inverness-shire and Strathspey. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. vi. part 1. pp. 55, 203. Of the commission over which Lord Balfour of Burghly presided, for the suppression of rebellion in the north, he was likewise a member, Ibid. p. 175. as well as of the commission appointed in February 1645, for Inverness-shire, of which the duty was to furnish meal and other necessaries to the army, levied or to be levied for the public service. Ibid. p. 344.

During the wars of Montrose, the Grant country was frequently the scene of contention, and suffered considerably in consequence. When the Estates of Scotland resolved to send an army south to assist the Parliament of England against King Charles, Montrose, who by this time had forsaken the Covenanters, and declared for the King, formed the scheme of raising an army of Highlanders, with which he proposed to reduce Scotland, or at least to compel the Estates to withdraw their army from England.

After the King had appointed Montrose his Viceroy and Lieutenant-Governor in Scotland, the latter brought down to Scotland a number of commissions, among which was one addressed to James Grant of Freuchie, appointing him Commissioner and Lieutenant within Moray, to preserve that district under the King's obedience, and commanding him to concur with the King's general or lieutenant-general of that kingdom. His actions were to be guided by the directions of the King's generals, or in their absence by that of George, Marquis of Huntly, his lieutenant-general, and he was prohibited from obeying or acknowledging any Privy Council, Committee, or pretended Convention of Estates or Parliament, without the King's authority. Vol.. ii. of this work, p. 7. [256] The Laird, however, was not yet disposed to forsake his adopted cause to serve the King, and about this time James Earl of Murray, as Colonel of the Moray regiment of horse and foot, appointed him his Lieutenant-Colonel, Commission dated at Freuchie, 1st April 1644. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 236. at the same time making him a gift of the whole benefit, profit, and pay of his place as Colonel, except only the expense necessarily incurred for supporting the regiment. Original Letter of Gift at Castle Grant. The Earl of Murray is said to have been a Royalist at heart, but forbore to take any active part in the civil contention. On this occasion he had only returned on a short visit from the south. But before his departure, he left directions with the Laird to raise the whole of the men of his division, for, according to Spalding, Moray and Elgin were at this time in fear of a rising of the Gordons. Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 323. The Laird, at all events, called out the vassals of his brother-in-law, and they assembled at Elgin to the number of about one thousand horse and foot.

An important meeting of the covenanting leaders was held at Turriff on the 16th of May 1644, at which the Laird of Freuchie was present. The Estates were at this time supreme, and as at this meeting it was resolved to take order with those who were still recusant to the Covenant, the Marquis of Huntly betook himself for safety to Caithness. Montrose, however, was now commencing his campaign for the King. Having obtained reinforcements from Ireland, and been joined by the men of Athole, he obtained his first victory at Tippermoor, after which he took possession of Perth. Thence, proceeding by Dundee and the Mearns, he paid his third visit to Aberdeen, which, already twice taken by him for the Covenant, was now taken a third time in his new capacity as the great antagonist of the Covenant. After the capture of Aberdeen, he directed his progress to Strathbogie and Strathspey. Finding on his arrival at the Spey that the boats had all been withdrawn to the opposite bank, and that the men of Moray were prepared to dispute his crossing, Montrose encamped on the 18th of September, in the wood of Abernethy, and obtained shelter there from the Earl of Argyll, who was following in his rear. Seeing the position which Montrose had taken up, Argyll desisted from the pursuit, and returned to Aberdeen whereupon Montrose removed [257] higher up the Spey to the woods of Rothiemurchus. Here, Spalding relates, he remained a while, and then proceeded still further up the Spey, and southwards into Athole, whence he returned again into the Mearns. No sooner, however, did Montrose leave Rothiemurchus than Argyll marched also upon the Spey, but the Moray men were not more disposed to give the army of the Estates a passage than that of the King,. so the boats on the Spey were again removed, and the fords guarded. Argyll and some troopers crossed, but the foot-soldiers were sent up the Spey in the wake of Montrose.

From both armies the Grant country suffered severely, and for a time a second infliction seemed imminent, as the two armies, circling round by Aberdeen, passed up the Dee, and northwards again into Strathbogie. At last the two armies came into conflict, but Montrose, having en trenched himself in a wood, kept Argyll at bay until, after severe losses in skirmishes, the latter was obliged to retire again towards Aberdeen, in order to get support for his men. Apparently in consequence of this retreat, Colonel Lumsden and Sir James Campbell of Lawers, two of Argyll's commanders who had been stationed at Inverness, wrote to the Laird imputing blame to him that they had not been kept informed of the movements of Montrose; to which he replied that he was not to blame, as he had sent all the intelligence of the enemy's movements he could obtain to his cousin, the Laird of Moyness, as he had been desired to do. He added that he would be glad to hear from them respecting the movements of Alexander Macdonald, who was at the head of Montrose's Irish contingent. As for his own district, he states that the Highlanders were continually passing and repassing from Montrose's army to their homes, and that his people were in constant fear of being plundered. Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 72, 73.

Indeed the Laird's country suffered as much from friend as from foe, for on Argyll, shortly after this, departing south, he sent a thousand of his men home into Argyllshire, who, says Spalding, in their passage through Strathspey and other districts, "plunderit pitifullie." Montrose, too, relieved for the time from Argyll's presence, towards the end of November again crossed the Grampians into Athole, and there recruited himself and his army. Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. pp. 402-433. [258] In the midst of these civil tumults Lord Lewis Gordon, third son of the Marquis of Huntly, was married to the Laird of Freuchie's eldest sister, Mary Grant. According to tradition, Lord Lewis Gordon was concealed for some time in a cave in a rocky glen about two miles from Castle Grant. To that hiding-place the Laird of Grant's sister Mary carried supplies for the fugitive, and her attentions led to their marriage. The cave is still called "Huntly's Cave." Under the date of November 1644, Spalding writes "About this tyme Lues Gordone, sone to the Lord Marques, is mareit to Mary Grant, dochter to vmquhill Schir Johne Grant of Freuchie, vtherwayes callit the Laird of Grant, by whome he gat 20,000 merks, as wes said." Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 428.

This marriage at first does not appear to have had the approbation of the Laird, who was for the time esftanged from his cousins of the house of Gordon. His mother, at this juncture, made an effort to bring matters to a more conciliatory bearing, and perhaps she was partly successful. The following letter, which is undated, evidently has reference to this:

HONORABELL AND BELOUED S0NE, - The inclosed will sho yow the Markquiss of Huntly his respect to his sone, and his to yow as a brother. I beseich yow to mak good uss of both, and I troust in God yow shall find both honnor and content therby, for I will assur yow he doth so much resent your injurie that he resoluis, if your aun cariadg do not dis oblidg him, to giue his best assistance to haue it repaered to the full. He wald gladly meit with yow ather in this place, or any uther that he can conueniantly corn to. Bot your sister and I doth desyr that it should be heir, that our eieis may he witnesis to sie yow joyn lyk britherin in so just arid nobill a causs, and euery on of yow to glue your best adwyss to uther as becomis yow, quhich shall be ane exseiding joy to
Your afectionat mother in all I may,
MARIE OGILUY.

Let thes present my best wishes to your lady and my baern. Original Letter at Castle Grant.

Of Lord Lewis Gordon it is told that, though only a young boy at school, under the care of his grandmother at the Bog of Geich (judging from the time of his marriage, he could scarcely be so young as has been supposed), on hearing of the dispersion of the Covenanters at the Trot of Turriff in 1639, he ran away from school and his guardian to the mountains, and returned at the head of a horde of Highlanders, which he had gathered in Strathdee, Braemar, Glenlivet, and Strathdon. Gordon's Scots Affairs, vol. ii. pp. 238, 261. At a later period, after [259] conveying money and jewels to his father at London, where he was attending Court, Spalding's Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. i. p. 252. Lord Lewis, on some disagreement, left his father and went to Holland, taking with him his father's valuables and jewels. Ibid. vol. ii. p. 6. He returned about 1644, before Montrose had begun his campaign, and obtained a commission from his brother, Lord Gordon, as colonel in his regiment of infantry, serving under him at first against Montrose, but latterly both joined the Royalist cause when many of the barons in the north were submitting. ibid. pp. 335-448. Lord Lewis Gordon succeeded his father as third Marquis of Huntly. His son, by Mary Grant, was George, fourth Marquis of Huntly, created Duke of Gordon, progenitor of the successive Dukes of Gordon.

By his father's contract of marriage the Laird of Freuchie was obliged to pay to the eldest daughter of that marriage the sum of ten thousand pounds Scots, or fifteen thousand merks, and this was all the tocher given by him with his sister, although Spalding states the current report that the tocher was twenty thousand merks. By a contract made in 1643, the Laird ratified to his sister the terms agreed to in their father's contract, at the same time borrowing from her the sum of five thousand merks, which, being added to the ten thousand pounds of tocher, made the twenty thousand merks erroneously reputed as the sum of the dowry. Neither of these sums was paid by the Laird at the time, and both the debts were, a few years later, assigned by Mary Grant and her husband, Lord Lewis Gordon, to Mr. Robert Gordon of Straloch, to whom the Laird occasionally paid the interest on the cumulo sum of twenty thousand merks. Original Contract between James Grant of Freuchie and Mary Grant. 13th June 1643; Extract Discharge by Mr. Robert Gordon of Straloch to James Grant of Freuchie, 31st July 1647 and other Discharges, at Castle Grant.

From this pleasing nuptial episode the Laird's attention was soon directed to matters of wider interest. After obtaining reinforcements, Montrose made a successful descent into the heart of Argyllshire, where he maintained himself for nearly three months. His crowning victory at Inverlochy, on 2d February 1645, virtually placed the Highlands at his mercy, and as refusals to submit were followed by Montrose with the remorseless execution of his commission of fire and sword, many of the barons and lairds judged it discreet to lay down their arms. The Laird [260] of Ballindalloch's three houses of Ballindalloch, Pitchaish, and Foyness, with the houses of Brodie, Tunes, and Grangehill, had already been given to the flames, when, says Spalding, as Montrose was on his way to Elgin, the Laird of Grant, with some others, met him, and offered their service upon their parole, and great oath sworn to serve the king and him, his lieutenant, loyally. Montrose, he adds, received them graciously, and the Laird of Grant sent him three hundred men. Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 447

It was at this time that Lord Gordon and his brother, Lord Lewis, attached themselves to Montrose, and they were speedily followed by the Earl of Seaforth, the Laird of Pluscardine, his brother, and others. Montrose remained a short time in the vicinity of Elgin, and was prevailed upon to spare that town from burning, but could not save it from being pillaged. His soldiers, says Spalding, especially the Laird of Grant's soldiers, plundered the town pitifully, and left nothing portable (tursabill) uncarried away, and "brak doun bedis, burdis, insicht, and plenishing." Montrose, lie adds, left them at this work, and proceeded in the beginning of M arch towards the Bog of Gight with the main body of his army, taking with him the Earl of Seaforth, the Laird of Grant, and some of the other lairds who had submitted. Fearing, however, that after his absence the Covenant i ng garrison at Inverness would retaliate on those who had come in to him, he sent the Earl, the Laird of Grant, and the others, back to guard their own estates, after taking their oath to serve the King against his rebel subjects, and never to take up arms against His Majesty or his loyal subjects. They also gave their parole to come to the assistance of Montrose, with all their forces, on being summoned to do so. Ibid. pp. 449, 450.

The Laird of Freuchie had represented to Montrose the losses which he and his clan had sustained by the passage of the armies through their country, and he obtained a promise of indemnity, and also an assurance that any lands taken from him by the Covenanting party would be restored if he continued faithful and loyal to the King's service. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 237.

The fears entertained as to the course likely to be taken by the Covenanting troops at Inverness were not belied, for no sooner was Montrose at a safe distance than, says Spalding, there came parties from the [261] regiments lying at Inverness to the place of Elchies, where the Laird of Grant was then dwelling, and pitifully plundered the same, sparing neither the lady's apparel nor jewellery, of which she had store. Other places were not spared, and the Laird of Pluscardine, with his brother the Laird of Lochslyne, were carried prisoners to Inverness. Memorialls of the Trubles. vol. ii. p. 450.
On this occasion the Laird received the following letter of encouragement from his mother, who, herself a considerable sufferer, as the letter shows, took a lively interest in the progress of events:

Lesmor, the 2d of Apryl 1645.
HONORABILL AND DEIR S0NE, - . . . Our piepill heir ar drawing to ane head, prepearing themselfis to follow your brother-in-law, quhom thay ar ordeaned to follow and obay by the Marquiss of Huntly as Liftenant of the North. We head word from him on Munday last, and loukis for him with ane troup of horss onis in the weik. Beylie with his gryt forsis reteired back on Fryday, and, as we ar informed, the Marquiss of Montross merched to Cortochie, ciuliar he incamped, and from thence your brother-in-law was to march north on Munday or Tysday.
I am sorie that nobill men should not be real, bot quhat lenitie heath spilt it may be ane inshewing storm will yit mortifie.
The Forhasis are prunsing up and doun in ther aun cuntri, and under troust heath takin the Laerd of Fetterneir, bot I troust ther neidis non to fear that standis upon ther geard, for a littill tym by Godis asistance will disperss all thes cloudis.
We ar not serten if the Marquiss of Muntross will return north, bot most thinkis he will.
Dispence with your goodis Ly way of caer for the loss of them, as I haue doon with myn, for in contience ther is not left me worth ane serwit to eat my meat on, yit think with me upon a way of repearation, and, er long, yow joyning with him quho is coming of purpus to aed yow, I beleiue in God that the Cristmas py quhich we haue unwillingly suallowed shall be payed houm at Easter. Quhow soon I ather sie my son-in-law, or heiris any serten word from the camp, I shall not feall to adwertiss yow. Meanquhyll be curagius, and remember still quhow both your mother and your self heath sufered, and be qubat part as you wald wish me remaen,
Your louing mother in all I may,
MARIE OGILUY. Original Letter at Castle Grant.

The ill-treatment he received from his former friends influenced the Laird to continue in the new position he had assumed, and he took various ways to testify his earnestness. On a proclamation by Montrose to those inhabitants of Badenoch, Strathavon, Glenlivet, Glenrinnes, and Moray [262] generally, who had declared their attachment to the King's service, but had not yet risen in arms, desiring them to concur with the Laird of Grant upon all occasions of the appearance of an enemy, Vol. ii. of this work, p. 15 the latter entered into a bond of combination with the principal of these, and all bound themselves by oath mutually to rise and defend each other against their enemies, distinct reference being made unto "theis, our enemies, now joned against His Majestie, our dread Soverane." Vol. iii. of this work, p. 238. The Laird also assisted Montrose with men, of whom, however, it must be said that riot only did they not maintain their chief's credit, but exposed him to the reflections of Montrose at different times during the campaign. Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 16-18, 80. Writing to the Laird from Kintore, on 14th March 1645, Montrose complained that not only were the Laird's men "bade and feu . . . lyke to Jacob's dayes," but they had also all played the runaway. None of them appear to have been with him in the following April when he stormed the town of Dundee, for immediately after that event, he wrote requesting the Laird to send all the men he possibly could to him, as a party of the Covenanting army, under Colonels Hurry and Baillie, were pressing him. He adds confidently this post script, "Remember my service to your lady, and show her that in few days we shall repair her wrong," with evident allusion to the spoiling of Elchies.

Strathspey was frequently the resort of Montrose after his defeat at Philiphaugh, near Selkirk, at the hands of General David Leslie, when he returned to the Highlands, and acted in concert with Huntly. On the last day of 1645 he wrote from Ballachastell, presumably to that nobleman, with reference to the renewed submission of the Earl of Seaforth, who had broken his engagement to Montrose, but was now again suing for acceptance. Napier's Memoirs of Montrose, vol. ii. pp. 621, 622. The Laird, however, appears to have been losing heart in the Royalist cause, the best proof of which is Montrose's repeated expressions of disappointment and dissatisfaction at not receiving any adequate support, and the conduct of the Strathspey men added to this, as they were again playing the runaway. So wrote Montrose from Castle Stewart in April 1646, pressing the Laird personally to appear and manifest his [263] loyalty, while Huntly urged upon him the same cause. The Laird of Pluseardine also at this time became a pleader of the King's claims with the Laird of Freuchie, and so did George Earl of Seaforth in the following month when the entreaties and commands of Montrose, now in camp at Inverness, were resumed. Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 77, 80. Perhaps the Laird's unwillingness was not even then overcome, as by a commission from the Marquis of Huntly, Lord Lewis Gordon was afterwards empowered to levy all the fencible men between the ages of sixteen and sixty on the lands of Cromdale, Tulloch, Riernore, and Glenlochy, pertaining to Dame Mary Ogilvie, Dowager Lady Grant. Original Warrant and Commission, dated 9th and 17th May 1646, at Castle Grant

While matters thus stood in the north, Charles the First had placed himself, after the battle of Naseby, in the hands of the Covenanters at Southwell, and, at their request, instructed Montrose to cease all hostile measures, disband his forces, and retire at once abroad. Montrose received the unwelcome missive, and wrote his answer thereto from Strathspey, on 2d June 1646. Vol. ii. of this work, p. 81. Subsequently, however, the Laird appears to have sent renewed testimonies of loyalty and offers of service, by the Earl of Crawford, to Queen Henrietta Maria and Prince Charles, both of whom were then at St. Germains, and he received grateful letters from both Queen and Prince. Ibid. pp. 8, 9.

From Major-General Middleton, who was then military commander for the Estates in the north of Scotland, the Laird of Freuchie, with his friends and tenants, among many others, in the beginning of 1647, received a remission for the part they had taken with Montrose. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. vi. part i. p. 670. With General Middleton the Laird appears to have been on friendly terms, and, in a letter, he craved pardon for any offence given at their last parting, and offers his service, to the haiard of life and fortune. He also requested that when the Major-General spoke to the Lieutenant-General (probably Leslie) he would remember his cannon. Copy Letter, dated 6th February 1648, at Castle Grant.

The Laird had also to deal with the Kirk about the part he had taken with Montrose. In October 1647 he was reported to the Synod of Moray "for his compliance with the enemie;" but he did not appear at the [264] meeting of Synod to which he was cited, having to be at Inverness on "great affaires." His satisfaction was "to be enquired at the Commissione of the Kirk." Two years later, in October 1649, the Moderator of Synod was "to write effectuallie to the Laird of Grant that he may pay the ministers in his bounds tymouslie." Records of the Synod of Moray.

The Laird of Freuchie took no part in the engagement for the deliverance of King Charles the First. A letter from George Stirling at Tullibardine, dated 20th December 1 648, seems to imply that the Laud was suspected of sympathy with the movement. The writer informs the Laird that the Parliament was to meet on the 4th of January, and would cite all "greatt men" to find caution for their good behaviour, instancing Lord Home and others. He adds, "and I doe nott think but ye wilbe ane also; for Seaforth, Sir James Makdonald, and McLeud, wilbe all citted." But this evidently refers to the means taken to secure unanimity in Parliament and peace to the country, which were expressed in the bond of caution drawn up on 26th January 1649. The writer of the letter further advises the Laird to put out his men and pay the maintenance according to the order by the Committee of Estates; as all things were ruled by Argyll, the Chancellor, Lothian, Warriston, and others. Vol. ii. of this work p. 83.

This refers to the fact that the Laird of Freuchie had been appointed by the Committee of war for his county to furnish a levy of twenty-three men to the Marquis of Argyll's regiment. Aggrieved at the imposition, especially after his district had suffered so much during the recent struggles, the Laird wrote to Argyll, but in the meantime, having refused to pay more than he considered ought to be his share, troops had been quartered upon his lands of Knockando. Vol. iii. of this work, pp. 243. In his reply Argyll complimented him on having kept himself so free in the late unlawful engagement, and offered to purchase a discharge from the commander of the regiment if the Laird would send him forty pounds for each man. Letter, dated 1st February 1649, vol. ii. of this work, p. 17. The Laird preferred to pay the money, and a discharge was granted by Argyll for nine hundred and twenty pounds Scots. Original Discharge, dated 18th June 1649, at Castle Grant.

[265] The last attempt made by Montrose to restore the Royalist cause by arms, and to avenge the death of King Charles the First, led to yet another Highland insurrection beside those which had already so perplexed the peace-loving Lairds in the north. Evidently to co-operate with the Royalist General, a party was formed in Moray, composed of Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie, Colonel John Munro of Lumlair, and Colonel Hugh Fraser, who, in the latter end of February 1649, took possession of the town of Inverness, expelled the garrison, and razed the walls and fortifications. Dr. Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. ii. p. 26 The Laird was in no way concerned in the rising, although it would appear one of his brothers was implicated, which gave occasion to General David Leslie, then in Huntly's territory, to write to the Laird to persuade his brother to withdraw from the rash enterprise. Vol. ii. of this work, p. 18. Rumour, however, connected the Laird with the plot. as one correspondent, John Cumming of Relugas, informed him of a report in the low country (of Moray) that the Earl of Murray had arrived at Ballachastell to join time insurgents, and that Montrose was lurking in the country to raise the Highlanders. He deplores the stir at a time when there was hope of agreement with King Charles the Second, and when there was a fair call for all to go and "revenge the violent death of our late king, nobles, and commanderis, one those perfidius sectaries in England," and desires counsel from time Laird. Vol. ii. of this work, p. 85. In his reply the Laird says of the insurgents, " Truly I know not their intentiones, naither am I priwie to them, and I am sorie of their raishnes, being ignorand of their wayes. For my owin pairt, I resolue (God willing) to keip Kirk, King, and Stait be the hand, to quhorn I wishe a suddent happie agreement." Ibid. p. 86. The rising, however, was speedily suppressed by Generals Leslie and Middleton before Montrose's expedition reached Scotland. Dr. Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. ii. p. 29.

Amidst these national disorders local interests, although they could not but suffer much, were not overlooked by the Laird. In consideration of the "great abuse and disorder of the country," steps were taken to appoint committees or courts of order in each parish, and at a meeting held [266] at Freuchie on 23d June 1649 a court of eight justices of the peace was formed for the parish of Inverallan, and with its convener, Patrick Grant of Tullochgorm, was empowered by the Laird to create officers and servants, and preserve, by the enforcement of the laws, the peace of the district. Note of Proceedings at Castle Grant. No doubt the other parishes were similarly dealt with.

When King Charles the Second, at the request of the Scottish nation, arrived from Holland, he landed at Speymouth, in Moray, whither there can be little doubt the Laird of Freuchie, with the neighbouring barons, would hasten to pay his respects to royalty. Sometime after the King's arrival in Scotland, the Laird was appointed colonel of infantry to be levied in Moray and Nairn, and the Laird's own lands. These levies were made in January 1651, to raise an army which might oppose the progress of Cromwell into Scotland, the rendezvous for the Laird's "haul name and freinds" being at Ballintome, on the 28th of that month. Another levy was ordered, apparently in connection with the ill-fated expedition of King Charles the Second to Worcester, in July 1651, when the Laird, being required "to bring furth his kinsmen and freinds for the present expeditione, with 40 dayes loan," received, on 20th March 1651, a warrant from the Earl of Middleton discharging all commissaries and collectors from uplifting from the Laird's lands any victual of the "eight months mantinance appoynted to be raisit since Febrwar preceiding the deit of the said warrand." Information for the Laird of Grant, dated 1663, ibid. In these cases the Laird appears to have handed over the command of the levies, of which he had been appointed colonel, to his brother Patrick, appointing him lieutenant-colonel, and by the latter a discharge was granted on 2d June of the same year to the Laird for £1260, as forty days' loan for seven score soldiers delivered to him. Original Discharge, at Castle Grant.

During the occupation of Scotland by the troops of the English Commonwealth, under General Monck, the country enjoyed a greater measure of tranquillity. For a portion of the time, at least, there was a. garrison stationed in Ballachastell, Diary of the Laird of Brodie, p. 122. but the Laird and his tenants were permitted by Monck to retain their arms for defensive purposes, and he [267] was also allowed to have six horses and his breeding mares above the value prescribed by law - privileges only secured by the Laird's entering into bonds for large sums for the peaceable behaviour of himself and tenants. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 244.

During this period of quiet, the Laird had opportunity of settling his own private affairs and nursing the Grant estates, which were considerably burdened when he succeeded in 1637. Lady Lilias Murray survived until 1643, apparently residing with her grandson in the Castle of Freuchie, while the Laird's own mother enjoyed a considerable jointure, and had her residence for a time in the Castle of Urquhart, but appears to have been obliged to leave it during the civil war. In addition to this, Sir John Grant .had left behind him several personal debts which became a burden to his executry, and there was also entailed upon the estate the providing of the marriage-portions of three daughters. The maintenance and education of the six younger brothers of the Laird likewise devolved upon him, or at least was shared by him with his mother; and this duty he faithfully discharged, according to entries in his household accounts during the period for which they are extant. The troubles of the times, too, with all the losses and harassment consequent on the passing and repassing of troops, who, in point of fact, were mere bands of raiders, as they freely helped themselves to what they required, with the taxations imposed from time to time by those in power for the moment, all tended to make the Laird's task of maintaining his position one of unusual difficulty. From the very nature of the case his rents and revenue could not be secure, and yet, as will afterwards be seen, he endeavoured to retrieve the fortunes of the estates. In these circumstances, it can scarcely be attributed as a fault to the Laird if on account of his inability to make adequate provisions for his brothers and sisters, misunderstandings should have arisen in the family.

It was so even between the Laird and his mother respecting the estates. In 1644 in return for a sum of money paid to her by the Laird, Dame Marie Ogilvie renounced in his favour her liferent interest in the lands provided to her in the barony of Mulben, Extract Instrument of Resignation dated at Forres, 7th June 1644, at Castle Grant. but a few days later the [268] Earl of Seaforth was engaged in endeavouring to make a reconciliation between the Laird and his mother, and from the terms of a letter by the Earl to the Laird, it might be inferred that the renunciation had been pressed upon her sorely against her inclination. Lord Seaforth tells the Laird that he found her ladyship very ill-pleased with their determination. On urging to know her reasons, she stated many, but he would only repeat one, that "shoe intended to haw prouyded some of hir vnprouyded childrene by sequestrating that proportione of hir conjunctfie to their behoues," and that she fcund it necessary to look after her own interest, since her son neglected taking steps against those who wronged her. Lord Seaforth adds that it was only after prolonged debate that he persuaded her to receive the money, and that on his own persuasion of the Laird's affection to behave himself as "ane respectous sonne," he promised on his behalf that he (the Laird) would "studdie by all means to prouyde the children according to your power," and also would take measures against those who wronged her, as the Tutor of Glenmoriston and young Struie, and concluded by expressing his confidence that the Laird would disappoint neither his promises nor his expectations. Original Letter, dated 17th June 1644, at Castle Grant. To this the Laird replied that although his mother was first complainer, she was also the first to injure, by causing an inhibition to be served against him, greatly to his detriment, which was only prevented by the help of "God and good friends." But he adds that, by the grace of God, he would not frustrate the Earl's expectations of him. Draft Letter at Castle Grant.

Marie Ogilvie, Lady Grant, appears, indeed, to have been driven out of Urquhart by those who oppressed her, and there was no improvement in her condition two years later, when she wrote from Rothes, gently chiding her son for his tardiness in revenging her quarrel. She expressed her concern for her castle in this letter, Vol. ii. of this work, p. 81. and also in another written from the same place four days later, informing the Laird that one of his men was a prisoner in Rothes, in which she says, "I allwayis knew the men of Urquhart to he knauis, and houpis er long to mak them sufer for it, bot I beseich yow to have caer of the houss till yow ather meit with me, or kno [269] my farder intention." Original Letter, dated Rothes, 12th June 1646, at Castle Grant. In these times it could be no easy matter to obtain redress, and, so far as the Laird's mother was concerned, there appears to have been none, for a year later, when Marie Ogilvie, Lady Grant, was dead, and the lands and castle of Urquhart had reverted to the Laird, he sent several of his friends from Strathspey with a notary to take an exact inventory of the actual contents of the castle. The report to the Laird was that the "haul plenisching" in the castle, and houses belonging to it, did not exceed the value of twenty pounds Scots. Vol. iii of this work, p. 341. This step was taken to 4secure the Laird, as the natural intromitter with his deceased mother's effects, from any claim being made upon him for what had never come into his possession, and it was prudent, as an action was afterwards raised against the Laird, for payment of certain debts, by Alexander Tunes of Borlum, formerly of Oldmills, who had in 1652 obtained himself confirmed as executor qua creditor to the deceased Marie Ogilvie. But this evidence of the condition of Urquhart bears out what, in a letter already printed, the Laird's mother says had befallen her, that not so much as a table-napkin had been left her on which to eat her meat. Original Summons, Alexander Innes v. Laird of Grant, with answers for the Laird, 12th December 1654, at Castle Grant.

To implement his engagements made in regard to provisions for his younger brothers, the Laird made arrangements with them separately. With the brother next to himself in age. Patrick, commonly known as Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Grant, he made an agreement on the 20th March 1651, shortly before the departure of King Charles the Second's expedition to Worcester. After narrating that no provision had been made for his brother by their deceased parents, and that no portion fell to him by their death, the Laird promised to grant a bond for eight thousand merks in favour of his brother and his lawful heirs, male or female. At the making of tile bond, Patrick Grant was to grant a discharge for three thousand merks, and time remaining five thousand were to be paid before Whitsunday 1656. In the event of Patrick's death without lawful heirs, the money was to revert to the Laird. It was further agreed that if Patrick returned safe from the present expedition, on which [270] he was going as his brother's Lieutenant-Colonel, and took up his abode at home, and the Laird appointed him bailie of his lands of Urquhart and Corriemony, then he would receive such reward and fee for his services therein as was formerly allowed the Tutor of Glenmoriston or James Grant of Auchterblair. Original Minute of Agreement at Castle Grant. Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Grant some years afterwards obtained a lease from the Laird of the lands of Auchahatigen for seven years, without payment of the usual grassum, but obliged himself, under a penalty of five hundred merks, to remove at the expiry of the seven years without any legal process, unless the Laird pleased to grant him a renewal of the lease. Original Bond by Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Grant, dated 12th April 1659, ibid. Ere the expiry of that period, however, the Lieutenant-Colonel had become Tutor of Grant.

To a still younger brother, Robert, who died before August 1653, the Laird, on the testimony of several of the members of the family, acted a liberal part, Vol. iii. of this work, p. 343. the particulars of which have not been ascertained.

Mungo Grant, who, in 1654, is called fifth lawful son surviving to the deceased Sir John Grant of Freuchie, received in that year from his brother the Laird a five years' lease of the lands of Lettoch, which he thankfully acknowledges, in a formal discharge, as complete satisfaction for any natural portion or "bairnes pairt of guids" he might claim, "although," he adds, "I had no legall tytill or clame against him." Original Discharge, dated (15th) March 1654, at Castle Grant.

George Grant apparently elected to go into the army, and was probably provided with a commission by the Laird. He held the rank of major. Thomas, the youngest brother, does not appear as having been provided for, but, after his brother's death, he was appointed chamberlain of Urquhart, and lived at Balmacaan.

The only brother of the Laird who seems to have felt dissatisfied with the provision assigned to him was Alexander. He had been placed by the Laird in the Mains of Mulben and other lands, but notwithstanding strong opposition by the other members of the family, who, in a testificate to the liberality shown in their settlements, Vol. iii. of this work, p. 342. called their brother [271] Alexander's conduct unnatural an6 unkind, he instituted legal proceedings before Cromwell's Commissioners against the Laird.

In his libel Alexander Grant set forth that by the sudden death of Sir John Grant at Edinburgh, without making provision for his younger children, "ane great hudge estait of aboone twentie thousand pounds be zeir," besides moveables, and woods "worth a great deall of money," had fallen into the sole possession of James Grant, his eldest brother, who refused to settle any portion thereof upon the pursuer. The latter was therefore, "throw extream indigence . . . redacted to the extreamest ebbe of necessitie (that word necessitie, male sucida fames et turpis egestas, being on of the creuelest thingis that can fall upon mankynd in this life)." He pleaded that by reason of primogeniture, the eldest son was by the law, both of God and man, entitled to no more than a double portion of the parent's estate, and petitioned the Commissioners to ordain the Laird to bestow a portion of his means on the pursuer suitable to his birth and quality. The Commissioners appointed the cause to be heard on 10th June 1653. Copy Summons, dated 10th February 1653, at Castle Grant.

The Laird's defence consisted of a correct representation of facts concerning the estate, and his relations with his brother, and a review of the principles on which his brother sought to establish his right to share the estate with the Laird. As to the former, the Commissioners were assured that at the time of Sir John Grant's death the rental of his estate did not amount to half of what had been alleged, while the estates themselves were not only affected with the liferents of the Laird's mother and grandmother, but were so overwhelmed with debt that after the public burdens and the annual interest on these debts were paid, the Laird had not a competency to live upon, and was only assisted through by money which he had received with his wife. The woods on the estate, as the whole country and the pursuer himself knew, had been sold by their father, and the value of the inoveables was insufficient to meet the interest of the debts. Towards the pursuer and his other brothers and sisters he had acted in an affectionate manner, entertaining them since their father's death. The pursuer had been supplied with farms and lands at a [272] nominal rent, and so far was he from being in necessitous circumstances, that it was known "he doth leive weill and plentifulie, . . . being so full of substance he lies risin vp to play pianks of opressioun and violence." As instances of this, it was stated that on the Laird being compelled, in discharge of a debt for which he was pressed, to sell the lands of Kinminitie to James Sutherland, Tutor of Duffus, Alexander Grant shot at the Tutor with a pistol, with intent to deter him from the bargain. For this act Alexander Grant was summoned by the Tutor of Duffus before the Commissioners, but through the interposition of friends the process was departed from. Copy Apology and Obligation by Alexander Grant to James Sutherland of Kinminitie, at Castle Grant. Besides this a number of widows who had been continued by the Laird in the possession of farms formerly held by their husbands in the vicinity of Mulben, complained to the Laird of his brother's exactions of herezelds and daily service to which he had not the slightest title of right, Copy Petition by four widows in Mulben to the Laird, at Castle Grant. on account of which the Laird had obtained a writ of law-burrows against his brother.

But these statements were made only for the information of the commissioners The Laird's counsel based his case rather on the principles of law and equity involved, and after hearing the pleadings hinc inde, the commissioners advised parties to endeavour a settlement of the case through friends. They agreed to this, and Alexander Grant nominated Alexander Lord Duffus and Alexander Ogilvie of Kempcairne, the Laird choosing James Earl of Findlater and John Grant of Ballindalloch. To these four friends, the cornmissioners gave authority to meet on a certain day at Elgin, hear the case, and report their decision, unless they succeeded in making an agreement between the parties. The decision of the four arbiters was adverse to Alexander Grant, but refusing to be satisfied, he addressed a supplication to the commissioners impugning their award. The commissioners, however, sustained the award of the arbiters, and assoilzied the Laird. Extract Decreet, dated 6th December 1653, ibid

The Laird was not present in Edinburgh when the decision was given, hut was informed of it by his law-agent, who intimated that the judgment [273] had not only affected the Laird, but other families. He wrote, "The Marquis of Huntlies brother, callit Lord Charles, come heir that same verie day ye got your decreit, fraughtit with imploymentis from ye Boige to ye lyk purpos, bot he or vtheris that intends that way hes ane cold comfort." Original Letter, George Stewart to James Grant of Freuchie, dated 6th December 1653, at Castle Grant

As Alexander Grant continued to possess the Mains of Mulben, it may be inferred that the Laird was not disposed to resent this action of his brother, yet the latter did not cease from troubling. The Laird lent him one thousand four hundred and eighty merks in 1657, Extract Bond by Alexander Grant to James Grant of Freuchie, dated 20th May 1657, registered 2d August 1661, at Castle Grant. but appears to have been glad, in 1662, to cancel not only this debt but also several feu-duties, and every other claim he had upon his brother, on condition that Alexander would remove from the lands which he held in Mulben. The agreement was made at Forres on 8th January 1662. Alexander thereby became bound to remove before the 24th of that month, or forfeit the benefit of the cancellation. Copy of Condescendence, ibid. A notarial instrument, dated the 25th January 1662, narrates that on that day John Gregorie in Kyntra appeared at Mulben as the Laird's procurator, bearing in his hands this condescendence, and requiring its fulfilment. Whereupon Alexander Grant immediately passed to the mill, turned out the millers, and gave the Laird's procurator possession of the mill. The tenants' houses were then successively visited, the tenants ejected, and informed by Alexander Grant that they were no longer his servants, and had nothing more to do with him, save to pay him what they owed to him, and that now they were the tenants of the Laird of Grant. A visit to the barn yards followed, where the horses and cattle were turned out, such doors as were fitted with locks were locked, others fastened with pins, and the keys delivered up; and finally, the dwelling-house, with outhouses, were cleared of their inhabitants, leaving only some furniture therein which could not be so readily removed, and the keys made over to the procurator. Alexander Grant then took instruments in the notary's hands that he had fulfilled his part of the condescendence, and the procurator lit a fire in the hail in the name of the Laird of Grant, and intimated that Alexander [274] Grant had denuded himself of the property. A separate notarial statement appended shows that, at the same time, the Laird's procurator required Alexander to subscribe two papers sent from the Laird, and also to hand over to the Laird a bond by the deceased John Grant of Dandaleith, all which were refused, as forming no part of the requirements of the condescendence. Notarial Instrument at Castle Grant.

Alexander Grant, it is to be feared, only complied with the terms of the condescendence for the moment to obtain the benefit of the discharge thereby conferred, for no sooner had the Laird's procurator departed than he reinstated himself in possession. This alone can explain the statement in the Laird's will, that if his brother Alexander paid the last two years' ordinary duty of the lands he had violently taken possession of, namely, for 1662 and 1663, and also for 1664, he should be discharged of any further claim the Laird could make against him, provided he removed peaceably without further process, before the ensuing term of Whitsunday; if not, he was to be "pursued to the riggor as accordis." Vol. iii. of this work, p. 353.

That the lands referred to were those of Mulben is manifest from another notarial document, which narrates that the Laird instructed William Moir, his chamberlain in the lands of Mulben and others, to assemble the tenants of these lands, with their ploughs and horses, to labour, sow, and harrow as much of the town and mains of Mulben as could be done without their own loss, and also to go immediately and sow such red land as was already laboured. Taking a notary and wit nesses with him, the chamberlain proceeded to a field of red land on the mains of Mulben, with a sowing sheet about his neck and a supply of corn. As he was entering and beginning to sow, Alexander Grant in Mulben demanded his authority and warrant for coming prepared to sow that land. The chamberlain produced his warrant, and requested the notary to read it, when Alexander Grant declared he would not permit him or any man, in the Laird of Grant's name, to sow that land until all things "in the condition" were performed, both by word and writ, and especially till every one of the papers against him in the Laird of Grant's hands were delivered up to him to be cancelled, [275] or otherwise disposed of at his pleasure. On the chamberlain attempting to proceed with the sowing, Alexander Grant "pluckit the forsaid saveing sheit from his neck, and comandit him to pass and sawe no mor till that he don quhich is aforsaid." The chamberlain therefore desisted, and protested that the discharge and condescendence made between the Laird and Alexander Grant should be null. Alexander answered in reply that he was most willing to perform whatever of the condescendence was not yet performed, and that nothing ought to be null till their friends' had considered the matter, and till the servants were satisfied for their services. Notarial Instrument dated at Delmaine, 13th March 1662, at Castle Grant.

As opposed to the discontent displayed by Alexander Grant, the Laird received from his other brothers and unmarried sister a testimony of his kindness towards them. it was evoked by the conduct of their brother Alexander, whose views of his own ill-treatment they not only did not share, but strongly reprobated. As for his sisters, they said, he had matched two, Vol. iii. of this work, p. 342 and their marriages have been already adverted to. The third, Lilias, was not married until after her brother's death, but he bequeathed her portion of five thousand pounds in his will. Ibid. p. 352.

In this Laird's time, much was done to consolidate the Grant estates, and to establish them more firmly in the possession of the family. His increase of the system of wadsetting, introduced by his grandfather and father, was very limited indeed in the circumstances in which he was placed. lie redeemed a number of previous wadsets, and let the lands afterwards on lease. Other wadsets he renewed on receiving payment of an additional sum of money which might be taken to represent the increased value of these lands. Among his new wadsets were those of Gartenmore in 1647, and Easter and Wester Daltulies or Balintomb in 1656, the latter being granted for fifteen thousand merks to Archibald Grant, great-grandson of Archibald, youngest son of James Grant, third Laird of Freuchie, who had obtained the lands from his father as a residence. A portion of Ballintomb had been wadset by the Laird to Archibald Grant for one thousand pounds in 1639. Household Account, 1639, at Castle Grant.

[276] One of the replies made by Alexander Grant to the defences of the Laird in the law-plea between them was that he sold lands lying on the outskirts of the estates, or at a distance from Strathspey, and bought others in Strathspey. This was all done in pursuance of a purpose of the Laird in regard to his lands, as, from memoranda prepared by law-agents for his use, it is evident he intended preparing a new entail of the estates. Allusion is made to such a purpose in the Laird's marriage-contract, but in his time it was never carried into effect. Before he could carry out his intention he was obliged to establish himself in all the parts of the Grant possessions, and this was not wholly overtaken before his death, as unexpected difficulties arose in regard to some of the lands. The Inverallan dispute, which had raged so long and keenly in previous generations, but had been settled in an honourable and equitable manner by the Laird's grandfather, was reopened through an unjust claim by James Hay in Auchroisk, the representative of the Hays of Mayne. It was now, however, effectually closed by the Laird's paying to him the sum of over £1000 Scots to denude himself of all title he had to these lands. Wester Tulloch proved even a greater trouble. That davoch of land in Badenoch had been wadset by John Grant of Freuchie in 1593, but redeemed again, although, through some informality, the redemption had proved ineffective. After the Laird had disponed the land to a member of the Glenbeg family, Allan Grant, son of the tenant of Wester Tulloch, whose execution was noticed in the preceding memoir, made a claim to be infeft in the lands. The Laird refused, but Allan Grant obtained precept for his infeftment from Chancery, and could not be dispossessed. Ultimately the Laird compounded with Allan Grant for his right, by granting a bond for £666, 13s. 4d., but the amount was not paid until after the Laird's death. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 350.

After some protracted dispute with the Grants of Glenmoriston, the Laird also acquired the lands of Wester Elchies and Kinchirdie, which had been granted by the Bishop of Moray to the Grants of Carron. For a time Wester Elchies was disponed in wadset by the Laird, and so was Kinchirdie. But afterwards the former was left by James Grant to his [277] younger son Patrick, who founded the second family of Grant of Wester Elchies, and the latter became the inheritance of Mungo Grant, the Laird's brother, who founded the family of the Grants of Kinchirdie, with its branches of Knockando, Gartinbeg, and Gellovie.

It was a considerable time after his marriage before a son was born to the Laird, and the references to the settlement of the estates on heirs-female, form the chief theme of the memoranda respecting the pro posed entail. In the event of Lady Mary Stewart, Lady Grant, predeceasing her husband without leaving sons, and should the like result arise from a possible second, third, or fourth marriage which the Laird might contract, the daughters of Lady Mary Stewart were to succeed to the estates to the exclusion of daughters by subsequent marriages, portions only being provided to the latter. Precautions, however, were to be taken that the name of Grant alone should succeed to the estates, and provisions were to be devised regulating the marriage of the daughters, the solution pointed to being, that they should not marry at all without the consent of certain friends, or forfeit their right of succession. The friends suggested for this purpose were the Earls of Murray and Wemyss, and the Lairds of Innes, Ballindalloch, and Moyness.

The improvement of his Castle was also attended to by the Laird, who, in 1649, instructed masons and slaters to put it in repair. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 459. The woods sold by the late Laird to Captain John Mason, were now being wrought on behalf of the Earls of Tullibardine and Portland, to whom Captain Mason had transferred his property therein. The woods appear, however, to have been much abused, and the abuses were the occasion of several letters between the Earl of Tullibardine and the Laird. The latter was also unwilling to permit a person of the name of McGregor to act as the Earl's supervisor in the woods on his lands.

Having also the intellectual welfare of his people at heart, the Laird, with the ministers, heritors, and wadsetters of Strathspey, during the time of the Commonwealth, approached the authorities with a petition that the byrun stipends of the vacant parishes of Abernethy and Kincardine, with Glencarnie and Rothiemurchus, might be granted for the [278] erection of a school in the district. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 343. The Council so far entertained the proposal that a commissioner was appointed to examine into the matter, Vol. ii. of this work, p. 19. but it is not probable that the scheme was carried into effect, as the authorities had then matters of more serious import to engage their attention, and the Commonwealth shortly afterwards ceased to exist. In a lease of a portion of land to Mr. Gilbert Marshall, minister of Cromdale, for the term of his stay in that parish, the Laird states, as one of the inciting motives to the transaction, "the lowe I carie towards the propagatioun of the gospell." Original Lease, dated 25th February 1656, at Castle Grant.

In an old manuscript of "Anecdotes anent the Family of Grant," MS. at Castle Grant. The MS. bears no name, and the writer has not been ascertained. The handwriting is of the eighteenth century several are told of this Laird. James Grant, it is related, was remarkable for his excessive good nature, and also for his great attachment to the Covenanters and their party. This brought upon the Laird the displeasure of his clan, and they went so far as to imprison him for a time in the Castle of Muckrach. Nothing corroborative of such a statement has been found among the authentic papers of the family.

The same may be said of another episode in this Laird's life for which the same manuscript is the sole authority. During the time of the Commonwealth, James Grant of Glenbeg raised a party in the Clan against the Laird. They drew up what was called "the Black Band of Clancheran," in which the Laird was charged with committing several irregularities, contrary to all law and government. Glenbeg and some of his associates took this band to Captain Hill, Governor of Badenoch and Ruthven, with a request that it should be forwarded to Cromwell. From the charges made, there was reason to fear that if the band reached the Protector, it would go ill with the Laird, but happily when the band was placed in the hands of Captain Hill, Duncan Macpherson, Laird of Cluny, was present, and, on learning the nature of the band, persuaded the Captain not to transmit it. The Laird was sent for and informed of the circumstances, and also of the danger he incurred if the charges should be proved. But on a promise being given by the Laird [279] that he would not remove any of the Clan Cheran out of the country on account of this band during his lifetime, the Captain burnt the band and ended the matter. The same authority states that the son of James Grant, Laird Ludovick, afterwards banished all the Clan Cheran out of Strathspey, save one house, that of Dellachaple. Original MS. at Castle Grant.
The only document which indicates that the Laird stood at any time in fear of any of his people is a writ of lawburrows, issued in the name of Oliver Cromwell against Alexander Grant in Auchnarrows, Allan Grant his son, William Grant of Newtoun, Donald Grant his son, and John Grant of Gorton, with fifteen of other names in the same districts. It states that they daily molested the Laird's tenants, and his woods, destroyed his policies generally, and continually threatened and pursued the Laird him self, "awoing oppinlie to bereawe him of his lyiff." Original Writ of Lawburrows, dated 9th July 1658, ibid

The Commonwealth was superseded in 1660, and in 1662 the inhabitants in the vicinity of Inverness were required to contribute to the demolition of the Sconce erected there by Cromwell's soldiers out of the materials of several religious houses, and called Oliver's Fort. The Laird and his wadsetters contributed a number of men to the work. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 344.

After the Restoration, the Laird considered it prudent to have a friend at Court, and he accordingly addressed himself to the Earl of Rothes, with whom he hoped, as being feudally connected, he would be successful. The Earl replied, not only courteously, but warmly, promising his services in any emergency, and requesting the Laird to have a regard to Rothes in respect of the robbers abroad in the Highlands. The letters are here subjoined.

Bellintoum, 2 Maij 1660.
My LORD, - Your Lordship's laudable fame and deportment in theas tymes, togidder with the interest wherwith I am honoured in your Lordship, doth invite me singularlie to mak my addresse to your Lordship, entreating that I may hawe the favour of acceptance manifested by a corespondencie, quherby I may boldlie walk wnder your Lordshipis patron age. (I intended to haw gon south to haw made more particulare applicatioun, but being by werie pressing reasones restrained) This sentence within brackets is scored through in the letter. I haw signified my mynd to the bearer, Bailzie Lechey, to quhom also I haw entrused the returne off your Lordships commandis to me. In discharge quheroff, I sail not offerre to lenthen your Lordships trouble forder then to [280] declare, that non salbe more willing nor readie and obedient then I, vho am, my Lord, your
Lordships affectionat cousine and most humble servaunt, J. G. Draft Letter at Castle Grant.
For the Richt Honorabill my noble Lord, the Earle of Rothes.

To which the Earl replied as follows:
Bruntiland, May 12th, 1660.
I receaved the honor of your noble and civill expressiones in yours dated the 2d of this instant, which lies so deep ane impresion wpon me, as that I am not able by expression to hold out the dew sence I have theroff. But, I hoop, when opertunities of doeing yew service shall offer, that yee shall find ahoundance off zeall in me, to hold out by my actions, the evedences of the great esteem I have off yow, both for your loyall affectioun to the publick interest, and for the wndeserved esteeme yow are pleased to have off me. I have so fully comunicated my thoghts to this hearer (my trustie frind), that I shall forbeare to multiplie lynns, to increase your trovbll, hoopeing that he will fathfully discharge that trust I have put wpon him. I have receaved a call to goe to his Majestic, and is this day on my jorney: And 1ff at any tyme ye haue ocation to lay your commands wpon me, ye may ashure your selff that none alive shall be mor readie in thor station to give cheirifull obedience then I shall bee, which I hoop ye will give so much creeditt to, as to doe me the justice and right off beliveinge me to be, that which my oun inclynations holdeth fwrth wnto me (which is) that I am, to the wtmost extent off my capasitie, your must fathffull humbell servantt,
ROTHES.

I hear ther is some broken men in the Highlands. I hoop ye will doe me the favor as to prevent quhat prejudice yow can to my interest in Rothes.
For the Right Hokorable the Laird of Grantt - thes. Original Letter, ibid.

Among these broken men in the Highlands was one called the "Halkit Stirk," who, in a letter addressed to the Laird by the Committee of Estates in August 1660, is expressly denounced. After enjoining the Laird generally to take steps to insure the preservation of the peace in his country, as he would be held responsible for any illegality perpetrated by his men and clan, the Committee add the following postscript: "Sir, be pleased to take spetiall notice of Gavine Cuin, alias Halket Stirk, and vse all possible means to apprehend his person, and send him to the Committee." Vol. ii. of this work, p. 20.

The Laird succeeded in making the apprehension desired, and at once despatched his Chamberlain, James Grant of Auchernach, to Edinburgh, with the intelligence in a letter addressed to the Chancellor, Draft Letter at Castle Grant. and a paper of instructions was given to him as to what he should demand on the [281] Laird's behalf from the Committee of Estates. He was to ask a warrant for the Laird's handing over the "Haukit Stirk" to the Sheriff of Banff at the kirk of Inveravon or Skirdustan, and to represent the danger in which the Laird and his country now stood on account of the apprehension from McRanald and all the tacksmen of the name of Macdonald in Lochaber. He was to request the Committee to take surety of McRanald and all the branches of his house, with the rest of the people of Lochaber, Glengarry, Badenoch, Rannoch, Glencoe, Glenlyon, Glengaule in Strathearn, and Strathnairn, that the Laird and all his kin and tenants should be skaith less, and in the meantime to direct letters to Glengarry and the Heritor of Glencoe, because the Haukit Stirk had many friends in these two places.

Other things embraced in the Laird's instructions to the Chamberlain were the case of certain refractory tenants who had refused their assista ance in the apprehension of the Haukit Stirk; the obtaining of an order from the Committee to restrain the principal collectors of cess and excise from employing any sub-collectors who had been "enimies to the Laird and his cuntrey in tyme of the Inglishes;" inquiry as to what course should be take with poachers and destroyers of woods; the renewal of the former commission; to ascertain the Laird's powers with regard to thieves taken in the first fault, and to obtain a general commission in the Laird's favour against sorners and broken men.

Besides these politic commissions, several of a domestic kind were also intrusted to the Chamberlain, as to agree with a baker, brewer, and cook, to "try for ane house" in Edinburgh, having five or six rooms, of which one should command a view of the street, and two or three go "ewen of without staires," with a cellar and a coalhouse. If this could not be had in the town, the chamberlain was to "try for it in the Canongat," and to see if two or three rooms could be had with "hingings." He was also to inquire if all sort of plenishing and bedding could be got on hire with the house, or otherwise if such could be hired in the town; to obtain the prices of sugar, "spyceries, and sweit meatts for ane house," with those of wine, vinegar, soap, candle, and starch (stiffine), and to bring home some flint stones and white Flanders pease. Copy Instructions to James Grant of Auchernach, dated 30th September 1660, at Castle Grant.

[282] In reply to his letter, the Committee of Estates thanked the Laird for his service in the apprehension of the Haukit Stirk and renewed his commission, while the Chancellor himself wrote in terms of encouragement, and also ordered the Macdonalds to make restitution of certain goods stolen by them from the Laird's territory. Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 20-22.

At a later date in the same year, another commissioner was despatched by the Laird to Edinburgh to make inquiry about the vacant stipends, whether they fell to the Treasurer, or were in the power of the Church. If they were in the control of the Treasurer, he was to secure them for the Laird to be employed "ad pios wsus." He was to discuss various local matters with the Lord Advocate, and "to speak for the Hailkit Stirk to sie if he wilbe releasit wpon good securitie." He was furnished wit a list of names to give to the Chancellor, who was to be asked to require surety for the preservation of the peace from the people of Findhorn side, Nairnside, and Stratherrick, the names of whose "masters" are supplied. The wrong suffered in respect of over-valuation for cess was not to be forgotten, and the clerks of Parliament were to be secured, so that nothing should proceed against the Laird unknown to his commissioner. Instructions for William Grant of Cardells, at Castle Grant. A letter from his law-agent in Edinburgh informed the Laird that the vacant stipends had been appropriated by the King for "the deposit faitlifull ministrie of this kingdome," Original Letter, George Stewart to James Grant of Freuchie, dated 4th February 1661, at Castle Grant. and an Act of Parliament was passed to this effect. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. vii. p. 18.

The state of matters between King Charles the Second and his subjects in Scotland was one of gravity, and occasioned great uneasiness, as no treaty of indemnity for the period of the Commonwealth had yet been secured for Scotland, and very many landed proprietors were in consequence virtually at the mercy of the Government. This accounts for the Laird's apprehension expressed in the instructions to William Grant of Cardells, and they soon proved to be well founded. On that gentleman's return from Edinburgh in February 1661, he was the bearer of a letter from Lord Duffus and the Laird of Pluscardine, with the intelligence that [283] the Laird had been indicted by the Lord Advocate on no less a charge than that of high treason, and that the summons was already issued, and about to be served upon him by a herald. On learning this fact, they, with the Laird of Moyness, had waited upon the Lord Advocate, and tried to reason him out of the charge, but only incurred his displeasure. He had indicated what the grounds of the charge were - That the Laird had given intelligence to the English, and had also received a warrant from them to have arms to keep his house against the rebels - which he would prove under the Laird's own hind. The latter's friends persisted in their belief of his innocence, and succeeded in getting the serving of the summons delayed for ten days, during which they promised to inform the Laird of the charge against him, and get him to come to Edinburgh and clear himself. The rest of the letter is occupied with suggestions as to the Laird's procedure, consisting of prudential reasons for the Laird's not going to Edinburgh, if he could do otherwise, with advice that he should employ the services of his brother George, who, they say, was both willing and able to undertake such a work, and to terminate it successfully. Original Letter, dated 2d February 1661, at Castle Grant.

In a letter of reply the Laird thanks his correspondents for their kindness, and declares his intention, seeing his credit and loyalty to his Majesty was questioned, of going south in the following week, though, he adds, the time of the year and the weather were not agreeable to the constitution of his body. Draft Letter at Castle Grant.

William Grant of Cardells, a day or two before the date of the preceding letter, had written to the Laird of what was transpiring, and distinctly charged the Laird's brother George with being at the bottom of the accusation. "Know," he says, "that be your brother, his meanis and agitation, yow ar to be sittit befoir the Parliment . . . the citatione is giflin out be the Lord Aduocat this day. I wiss your mother had born ane gray ston quhen scho did bring foorth Georg." Vol. ii. of this work, p. 87. The writer also refers to a letter enclosed from his brother George, and cautions the Laird not to trust a word of it. The following is probably the letter referred to, but it is without date:

[284] RIGHT H0NORABLE, - The obligation your kynd letter puts uppon me bath so confirmed the resoulition I hadd to doe my deuty, that. I am nou in a consuption with disyrs to doe you seruis, and if I foal! in the actuall part, it is your own falt, for I shall be pasiue in nothing that concerns your interest. Put me to a tryall and leet your experienc of me giue you a mor faithful! acoimt then my expressions can. I dar be proud to say that it is in my puer to serue you at this present; if ye dar trust me ye shall know it, prouyded I kneu uhat ye will imploy me first about. Consult uith your self and your oun affairs, and as ye fynd it requesit to admit of my pur endeauour, comand me to my deuty, for on my honor I acknouledg my self to he by just titell,
Ryght Honorabl,
Your most obsequius brother and most obedient seruant,
GEORG GRANTT. Original Letter at Castle Grant.

Referring to the same subject, another correspondent, who neither dates nor . subscribes his missive, says:-

RICHT HONORABILL SIR, - This day I haiff found out your brother Georg his pulss be seuerall intelligence I haiff haid. His oath nor his hand can not be trustit. He doeth not fear God. I haid als muche off him by oath as I belive could haiff tyitt any Ciistian, but I persuad my self he is non. He is doing and acting all against yow he can, and lies the commissioners in his hand. He doeth calumniat yow in ane strang way wnjustly. They haiff spokin Rothes to disowin frow, quho will not do it, but hes said if ther be any just thing to lay to your charg, yow be sittit befoir the Parliment; but he knowes your woes to be so honest to ur king and countrey that you will defy the world. . . . Georg Stewartt, quhosoewer hes his owin imperfectiones, I will assuir yow he is your kynd reall freind. His aduyce nd myn is to your honour to send tual! dollors to the Clark Register, and tu to his serwandis, and als many to the Lord Aduocat. This I will assuir yow will do good if they cum in tym. They will hinder any present sitations. . . . I will assuir yow to send money to the Clark Register and Lord Aduocat will do good, so it be doin in hast. Ibid.

Some arrangement appears to have been made by which the necessity of the Laird's going to Edinburgh was obviated for the time, but the journey was undertaken in the latter half of the year. The Laird was in Edinburgh during the month of September, and among the first things he did there, was to drive to the Lord Advocate and Sir John Nisbet. To the former fifteen rex dollars, equal to £43, 10s. Scots, were presented, and his clerk received three; to the latter ten rex dollars were given, while his clerk received two. Account of Expenditure on visit to Edinburgh,1661, 8ub dato 21st September, at Castle Grant. The only effect, however, produced by this intervention, was to relieve the Laird of special action being taken in his case, as the charge was not withdrawn, and he was afterwards classed among those [285] excluded from the benefit of the Act of Indemnity, until they paid a certain penalty in money, the Laird's fine amounting to no less than eighteen thousand pounds. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, 9th September 1662, vol. vii. p. 424. On 21st March 1663 a correspondent in Edinburgh wrote to the Laird - "There was a proclamation here yesterday, suspending the fines during His Majesty's pleasure, which is bonum omen."

Lady Grant, with the children, accompanied the Laird to Edinburgh, where a stay of a month was made. The account of the Chamberlain gives some interesting details of what transpired during that period. On two successive days the Laird and Lady Grant drove together to the "Penter's hous," and before they left the city packing-cases were made for "the picjures," which, with various other purchases of furniture, were sent home by ship from Leith. The Laird had various consultations with Sir Peter Wedderburn respecting a petition to be presented to Council "be ane bill, anent the witches," and there is a payment of £23, 4s. Scots, on 7th October, to "James Wright, clerk to the Counsell for the Commission against the witches, and accepting of the Laird's band of cautionrie," with other payments a week later of £13, 7s. 4d. to Mr. Alexander Hamilton for "diligence against the witches," and £1, 10s. "to the prickker of the witches." The Laird's brother, Alexander, also mentioned as being in the city with the Laird, and .as taking part in consultations with the law-agent. A visit was paid to the Parliament House and an evening was spent by the Laird in the company of" my Lord Annendeall and Drumlanrick."

On Friday, the 18th October, the Laird and Lady Grant set out on their journey homeward, travelling in a "chariot" by Corstorphine to South Queensferry, whence they crossed to Inverkeithing and drove to Donibristle, making a stay there with the Countess of Murray till Monday. Next day found the party in Burntisland, Wednesday at Kerma (Kennoway?), Thursday at Cupar, Friday at "Lues Thorntownes," and Dundee was reached on Saturday night. The horses to be transported across the Tay were sixteen in number, and it appears that a sedan chair formed part of the equipage, as there are frequent entries of payments of repairs done to the "cedan," such as covering the hands with green cloth, glazing, putting "tuo cleeks" on the doors, etc.

[286] The "young ladyes" attended "the kirk of Dundie" next day, and were provided by the Chamberlain with three shillings "to the offering," and some necessaries had to be procured that day "out of an apothacrie choip for my Ladyes vse." From Dundee progress was made by Barry to Arbroath, and thence by Montrose (where a bridle had to be repaired for one of the young lady's horses) and Stonehaven to Aberdeen, which was reached on the 2d of November. Here the men who had come from Edin with the "cedan" were discharged, and the homeward journey towards Strathspey was resumed on the 9th by Kintore, Gairnsmifl, and Raws of Strathbogie to Mulben, which was reached on the 12th November.

The sedan chair was evidently for the use of Lady Grant, who, it may be inferred from other entries in the accounts, was at the time of the journey not in robust health. A Dr. Hay was in attendance upon the party at Donibristle, and one of the attendants was despatched thence to Aberdeen for Dr. Leslie, who appears also to have accompanied the Laird to Mulben. This may be the reason why the journey was made in such easy stages, the whole occupying nearly a month. Original Account of Expenditure, at Castle Grant.

Lady Grant died in the following year, on Thursday, the 18th of December 1662, and was buried upon the 30th of the same month at Duthil. There was considerable pomp and ceremony at her funeral, and a service in church, while the carrying of a crucifix upon the body occasioned some debate. Diary of the Laird of Brodie, p. 285. She had lived and died a Roman Catholic, and this fact occasioned the Laird some trouble with the Presbytery and Synod of the bounds. On the 5th of November, Mr. William Falconar and Mr. Joseph Brodie were appointed by the Presbytery of Forres to confer with "the Lady Grant to bring hir to subscryve the covenant, and to evidence a forsaking of hir idolatrie and superstitione in opinion and practise, and make reporte of their diligence to the next meeting." At the next meeting no progress was reported, as Lady Grant had been unwell, and another gentleman, Mr. Patrick Glasse, was added to the deputation, who were instructed "to speake with hir on Moonday come eight dayes." They did not succeed in persuading Lady Grant to change her " opinion and practise," and the case being referred [287] to the Synod of Moray, who appear to have had it before them even prior to 1651, they decided to impose the sentence of excommunication upon her. Records of the Presbytery of Forres. In a letter from her Ladyship, dated at Freuchie, 14th June 1653, she asks the "Provinciall Assemblie of Murray" to delay proceedings against her until they should answer her doubts; and at one meeting of the Synod the Laird himself appeared and told the reverend body that if they carried their threats into execution, he must either abandon his wife, or live with an excommunicated person. Records of the Synod of Moray.

Lady Grant's sister-in-law, Mary Grant, Marchioness of Huntly, was subjected to similar treatment, and sentence of excommunication "for obstinacie in Poperie" was pronounced against her in the parish church of Duffus on 17th October 1658, Session Records of Duffus. and on 15th December following the sentence was appointed by the Presbytery of Forres to be intimated throughout their bounds. Records of the Presbytery of Forres. The Laird's brother, Mungo, was afterwards, in 1670, also admonished to beware of popish leanings; his intention of sending two of his sons to France to be educated there by "one Father Grant, a seminarie priest," having been reported. The Synod of Moray warned him not to do so, as he would be answerable to the Lords of Council if he did. Records of the Synod of Moray.

The old manuscript of "Anecdotes" already referred to says that Lady Mary Stewart was extremely bold and peculiar in her way. In the beginning of her married-life she lost several of her children, and was so credulous as to imagine they were bewitched, which made her listen to advice given her about sending for an Italian pricker, that is, a man who, by pricking the body with iron spikes, pretended to distinguish witches from those who had no pretensions to a knowledge of the black art. This man's experiments were fatal to many, as numbers died in the operation. Original MS. at Castle Grant. The Laird of Brodie has a passage in his diary which confirms this trait in Lady Grant's character. Under the 13th of February 1655, he wrote that, after he returned from Darnaway late at night Lady Grant wrote for him, but that he "was reard to goe because she was a papist." Next day, however, he discovered that "Ladi Grant's errand was anent the witch which wes [288] letten loos and her hous: she prest me to goe with her husband to fitch." Diary of the Laird of Brodie, pp. 122, 123. In her domestic arrangements Lady Grant was precise, and one of her written agreements with merchants in Forres for the supply of flour and aquavite is described elsewhere. Vol. iii. of this work, p. 461. Supplies of game for the household were agreed for by the Laird after a similar fashion, an experienced fowler being employed in the service. Ibid.

As was noted in the Laird's instructions to one of his chamberlains sent to Edinburgh, he considered that his lands and those of his kin and tenants generally were over-valued, involving them in the payment of a higher cess than was due, but redress was not obtained. The collector, however, went back upon the tax of eight months' maintenance imposed upon the Laird. by General Middleton in 1651, already referred to, which had been remitted, and obliged the Laird, under threat of horning and quartering, to grant a bond for £1000 Scots, against which he petitioned Parliament, Original Petition at Castle Grant but although he obtained a hearing, and the tax-collector was instructed to defer his claims, the money had afterwards to be paid.

Difficulties, too, arose about this time with the Laird of Ballindalloch, owing to the latter desiring a renewal of the feudal titles by which he held Ballindalloch. The discussion had advanced to litigation, when the Earl of Rothes interposed with a recommendation to a more friendly mode of settlement, Vol. ii. of this work, p. 88. and in June 1663 a submission was agreed upon, to be carried into effect when the Laird returned home from Edinburgh. Original Condescendence, dated 26th June 1663, at Castle Grant.

It was the intention of King Charles the Second at this time to confer the title of Earl of Strathspey, and Lord Grant of Freuchie and Urquhart, upon James Grant of Freuchie. This appears from a copy of the warrant by the King, which narrates that the peerages, as the warrant bears, were to be conferred in recognition of the many good and faithful services rendered by the Laird and his predecessors to the King and his progenitors. Special mention is made of the Laird's fidelity in following with his friends and vassals the Royal standard under Montrose, and his readiness to give obedience to His Majesty's commands, while the fact is recognised [289] that he was chief of the Family of Grant, and descended of a very ancient and honourable race. For his encouragement in a course of loyalty, the King purposed to bestow on him and his heirs-male the titles of Earl and Lord. Copy Warrant, indorsed 1663; vol. iii. of this work, p. 345. But before the warrant was signed, the death of the Laird at Edinburgh in September 1663, prevented the King's intention being carried out.

The Laird, feeling his end approaching, made his testament and latter will on the 21st September, and nominated his eldest son, still considerably under age, as his sole executor, whom failing by death, his second son Patrick. To his daughters he left considerable tochers in terms of their respective bonds of provision. He nominated John Earl of Rothes High Commissioner and Treasurer, James (Sharp) Archbishop of St. Andrews, Alexander Earl of Murray, Kenneth Earl of Seaforth, Alexander Lord Duffus, Alexander Ogilvie of Kempcairn his uncle, Patrick and Mungo Grant his brothers, and others, tutors and administrators to his children; his eldest son to be educated and brought up with John Earl of Rothes as his Lordship should direct. Ibid. p. 352.

The Laird's body was interred on the 10th of October in the Chapel of Holyrood, where his father Sir John had been buried, and where also his own son and grandson successively found resting-places. An entry in the household accounts during that year states the expenses of the Laird's funeral in Edinburgh, and the returning home therefrom, to have been £767, 8s. Scots. Account at Castle Grant.

During the minority of the Laird's eldest son, his uncle, Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Grant became Tutor of Grant. Among his first duties was the making of an inventory of the effects left by James Grant, and of his liabilities. The inventory was afterwards added to, and the, whole amount of his effects and debts due to him was only about eighteen thousand pounds Scots, while the amount of the debts due by him was over seventy-two thousand pounds Scots. Vol. iii. of this work, pp. 346-354.

By his wife Lady Mary Stewart the Laird had, besides several children who are said to have died young, One daughter, whose name is unknown, died in 1650. There is in the Grant Charter-chest a document giving the names of the tenants who were each fined five pounds Scots "for byding from the Laird's doghter, hir buriall." They were appointed to pay their fines within fifteen days after the 23d December 1630.
two sons and three daughters. [290]
1. Ludovick, who succeeded his father as eighth Laird of Freuchie.
2. Patrick, who was provided to the lands of Wester Elchies, and became progenitor of the second family of Grants of Wester Elchies. A separate pedigree of this family is given in this work.
The daughters were-
1. Anna, who married, in 1664, Sir Patrick Ogilvie of Boyne, in the county of Banff, Household Accounts for 1664, at Castle Grant. and had issue. An armorial stone, originally at Boyne, now at Cullen House, bears the arms of Ogilvie and Grant impaled, with the date of 1668. Information by the Earl of Seafield.
2. Mary who married, before 1669, Sir Alexander Hamilton of Haggs, in the county of Lanark. In that year Mary Grant, in conjunction with her husband, pursued her brother Ludovick before the Lords of Council and Session for her tocher of twelve thousand merks, and obtained decreet in her favour. Original Decreet, dated 6th February 1669, at Castle Grant. They had issue.
3. Margaret, who married Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle [4] History of the Maekenzies, by Alexander Mackenzie, p. 400., and had issue.
The Laird had also a natural daughter, who was married to Sweyn Grant in Ballintome, to whom a legacy of £200 Scots was paid on the death of her father. Household Accounts for 1663, at Castle Grant.

Volume 1 Chapter 14