SIR LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT, BARONET. MARION DALRYMPLE (OF NORTH BERWICK), HIS FIRST WIFE. LADY MARGARET OGILVIE (OF FINDLATER), HIS SECOND WIFE.
1747 - 1773
[393] SIR LUDOVICK GRANT was born on
13th January 1707, and, as the second son of Sir James Grant by his wife Anne
Colquhoun, heiress of Luss, he, in terms of the entail by Sir Humphrey Colquhoun,
succeeded to the Luss estates in 1719, when his father became Laird of Grant.
After the death of his mother in 1724, Ludovick Grant was, on the 27th of
March 1729, retoured as nearest heir-male of entail to her in the lands and
barony of Luss and others. Copy Retour at Rossdhu. He therefore
assumed the name of Colquhoun, and became the twenty-second Laird of Colquhoun
and twenty-fourth of Luss.
On 6th July 1727, he married, at Edinburgh, Marion Dalrymple, second of the
three daughters of the Honourable Sir Hew Dalrymple, Baronet, of North Berwick,
president of the court of session. It was a somewhat hasty step taken without
the consent of the parents of either, and both Sir James Grant and Sir Hew
Dalrymple were highly incensed. The work of pacifying them was undertaken
on behalf of the young couple by Patrick Grant, after wards Lord Elchies,
to whom Sir James wrote, expressing much displeasure with Ludovick. In his
reply Mr. Grant alludes to this, and says, "The poor young fellow himself
is quite confounded. . . . . . It has been my dayly employment to importune
the President to be reconcil'd to them. . . . . . I gave him the most
positive and full assurances that however you might possibly be a litle angry
with your son for doing it in that manner, yet you woud be heartily pleased
with the thing itself. . . . . . . I us'd all my litle rhetorick to convince
him that I know your sentiments of the marriage as well as if you had actually
been here, and that the allyance with his Lord ship's family woud give
you the greatest joy," etc. Original Letter, dated 27th
July 1727, at Castle Grant. He then intimates [394]
the result, that after much argument, he had persuaded the President not only
to see the young couple, but to receive them into his family. Sir James's
letter, however, had greatly disconcerted Mr. Patrick Grant, but the latter
concealed the tone of Sir James's letter from the President. Mr. Grant
then proceeds to conciliate Sir James himself. He implores him to reflect
more deliberately on the matter, as the fact of Ludovick's marrying without
his father's consent was the "only circumstance of the marriage that's
blamable," and employs various arguments to induce Sir James to agree
heartily to the marriage, and be reconciled to his son and daughter-in-law.
He reminds Sir James that in regard to Luss he had only a reserved liferent,
but that since his succession to the Grant estates, he had intromitted with
the rents of Luss. This fact, Mr. Grant points out, would raise difficulties
with the heir of tailzie, and for that reason as well as others, he urges
Sir James to take a cordial view of Ludovick's marriage.
Whether these arguments had any effect on Sir James, or whether calmer reflection
showed him that his son's fault was one to be leniently dealt with, the
result was pleasing to Ludovick Grant and his young wife. Writing in answer
to the President, who had made Lord Lovat the bearer of a letter to Sir James,
the latter says, Draft Letter, of date 4th August 1727, at
Castle Grant. "I am heartilie sorrie he (Ludovick) should have given
your Lordship and my ladie the least ground of being dissatisfied with his
conduct in it, though I must own you have both shown the commendable and true
compassion of tender-hearted parents, soe very naturall to both towards there
children in forgiveing. I must say the choise my son has made, being every
way soe very honourable, gives me the greatest of pleasure in haveing now
some title and claim to the friendship and protection of a familie quhich
I always honoured and esteemed among the first," etc. Sir James proceeds
to say that though his son had not behaved in a dutiful manner to himself,
yet he would be guided by the President in his conduct to the young people.
The President replied in complimentary terms, Letter, 22d August
1727, ibid. and the affair was thus arranged at the time.
It is to be feared, however, that Ludovick's want of duty towards his
father, added to questions arising out of the administration of the Luss [395]
estates, caused an irritation of feeling between Sir James Grant and his son,
which did not so readily pass away. The influence of Sir Hew Dalrymple, and,
it may be, of other friends with more zeal than discretion, perhaps tended
to foster this feeling. Lord Lovat, through his marriage with Margaret Grant,
sister of Sir James, and aunt of Ludovick Grant, was closely connected with
the principal parties, and, to do him justice, he appears to have succeeded
in acting the part of peacemaker. He made himself very busy in the matter,
and his picture of the situation is graphic. The remarkable candour which
he displays in giving advice all round, and "very freely," according
to his wont, is well shown in his letters on the subject. Writing to Sir James
Grant from Edinburgh, on 20th .January 1728, Lord Lovat, amid allusions to
his own affairs, says, "I heard a litle when I came here of your son
Louis going to Roseduü (Rossdhu), and I was angry at it. I spoke to Louis,
and I really find him mightily griev'd that you should be offended at
him, and I find if he was left to himself he would obey you implicitly; but
he is truly now under tutory, and is in some measur oblidg'd to take and
follow the advice of those in whose hands he is, while he is imediatly in
them. I understood. . . that things are gone a great deal further, and that
ther was danger of coming to an open rupture, upon which I took the freedom
to speak to the President and to Louis last night, and I told them my mind
very freely." His advice to the President was, not to do what he might
afterwards regret, if Ludovick came to be Laird of Grant, as the family of
Grant should not be injured for the family of Luss. In this the President
acquiesced, and Lord Lovat proceeds: "I beg that you consider how every
way hurtfull it will be that you should come to a rupture with your son and
his new allyes.. . . . . I would let affaires lay by till you come down, and
than choose your arbiters, if you cannot agree without them. I do assur you
that Louis will do anything in his power to please you, and as you have been
allways the most tender and affectionat father on earth, I beg you forgive
Louis any wrong steps that you think he hes taken, sine they are not properly
his own, and whatever comes of it, for Christ's sake shun a ruptur."
Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 293, 294.
[396] The matter of dispute seems to
have so far been arranged at that time, as the Lord President himself writes,
expressing his gratification that Sir James Grant had accepted his proposal.
Letter, dated 3d February 1728, vol. ii. of this work, p. 108.
Lord Lovat, however, writing two months later to Sir James Grant, implies
that some irritation still existed, and is copious in his advice. He says,
"Be not only reconciled to your son Lewis, but fix your affection and
confidence in him, for I do assur you that he is the hope of your family,
and a very glorious hope he is, for there is not in Scotland a smarter young
man of his age, and I hope he will do great things for your family; and you
should consider that if H(umphrey) dyes, Lewis is not only young Laird of
Grant, but Laird of Luss, and if you was dead, and he hapen to survive you,
it is not your second son, but his second son, that will be Laird of Luss,
as the President (Sir Hew Dalrymple) plainly explained to Peter Grant and
me; so that he will have the estate of Luss in his person till his second
son be of age, and if he hes not a second son, his eldest son will have it
till his second son be of age; so that it is a vast advantage to the family
of Grant that Lewis should become your eldest son, for than the estate of
Lusse will be in the possession of the family of Grant for many yeares, and
than thair will be tyme to free that estate for a second son, and, in the
meantyme, to make the estate of Grant in a flourishing condition. This is
plain reason and fact." ibid. p. 297.
Ludovick Colquhoun studied for the Bar, and was admitted advocate in the year
1728. In regard to his studies and intentions, his father-in-law, Sir Hew
Dalrymple, wrote, in a letter already referred to, that Ludovick was firmly
resolved to enter as advocate in the next session, and that he intended "not
to enter for an empty name:" to which end he had applied closely to his
studies during the winter. "And," the President adds, "if I
be not very much mistaken, he will not only be fitt to manage his own afairs,
but to be usefull to his friends, and chiefly to serve you, and to make a
figure in business." Letter to Sir James Grant, 3d February
1728, vol. ii. of this work, p. 108.
That Ludovick Colquhoun was formally called to the Bar appears from the fact
that, under the designation of Ludovick Colquhoun of Luss, [397]
Advocate, he obtained a charter from the Commissioners of James Duke of Montrose,
to himself and the heirs of his body, in terms of the deed of entail executed
by his grandfather, Sir Humphrey Colquhoun, formerly quoted, of the four merk
lands of the dominical lands of Balvie-Logan and others. In these lands he
was duly infeft on a precept of sasine contained in the charter. Original
Charter, dated 14th and 18th December 1730, and Instrument of Sasine, dated
24th, 25th, and 26th, same year, both at Rossdhu. Some time before June
1732, Ludovick Colquhoun had a fall from his horse, and injured one of his
limbs, an accident which called forth from Lord Lovat an appeal to take better
care of his health for the sake of his wife and family. Vol.
ii. of this work, pp. 311, 312.
Ludovick. Colquhoun resigned the lands and barony of Luss, etc., into the
hands of the Commissioners of Frederick, Prince of Great Britain and Wales,
for a regrant of the same to him and the other heirs of entail, as required
by the settlement of his deceased grandfather, Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss,
Original Instrument of Resignation, dated 22d June 1732, at
Rossdhu. and the same day obtained a charter of novodamus from Prince
Frederick, with consent of his Commissioners, the Barons of Exchequer, on
which he afterwards received infeftment. Original Charter,
dated 22d June 1732, and Instrument of Sasine, dated 2d August 1732, ibid.
In January 1735, Ludovick Colquhoun's first wife died, and was buried
in the Chapel Royal at Holyrood on the 18th of the same month. Accounts
for funeral of Lady Luss, at Castle Grant. On 31st October following,
he married Lady Margaret Ogilvie, eldest daughter of James, fifth Earl of
Findlater and Seafield, and his Countess, Lady Elizabeth Hay, daughter of
Thomas Earl of Kinnoul. In contemplation of this event, and as Ludovick had
now become the eldest son through the decease of his elder brother, Humphrey
Grant, in 1732, Sir James Grant settled upon him the estates of Grant in fee,
reserving to himself a liferent interest.
This settlement, and Ludovick's
accession to the position of Younger of Grant, raised a new dispute as to
the possession of the lands and barony of Luss. According to the deed of entail
Ludovick should now have divested himself of the Luss estates in favour of
his younger brother, James, who was the next surviving son of the marriage
of Sir James Grant with the heiress of Luss.
The Chiefs of
Colquhoun, by William Fraser, Vol. 1. p. 313. But Ludovick was unwilling
to do so, and
[398] continued his refusal,
even after his father had settled upon him the Grant estates. his reasons
for retaining the barony of Luss were, that he had not as yet succeeded to
the estate of Grant, and could not do so in his father's lifetime; that
in the event of his succeeding to the estate of Grant by surviving his father,
he might have a second son of his own body, who should be entitled to succeed
to the estate of Luss in preference to his brother, James, his own daughter,
Anne, or any heir of entail; and that he was entitled to hold Luss in expectation
of such second son.
The Chiefs of Colquhoun, by William Fraser,
vol. i. p. 345.
In holding this opinion, Ludovick Grant acted in accordance with the views
of Sir Hew Dalrymple, the father of his first wife, and those of Lord Lovat,
as expressed in Lovat's letter on the subject already referred to,
Supra,
p. 396; vol. ii. of this work, p. 297. which clearly shows the influences
brought to bear upon him. But not withstanding Lord Lovat's advice, backed
by President Dalrymple's opinion, when the question of succession came
to be tried in the Court of Session, decree was given against Ludovick, and
he was therefore obliged to denude himself of the barony of Luss in favour
of his younger brother, James, which he did by a disposition dated 25th and
30th January and 9th February 1738.
The chiefs of Colquhoun,
by William Fraser, vol. i. p. 347. In that disposition he is designed
Ludovick Grant, younger of Grant.
Ludovick Grant now withdrew from the practice of the profession of law, and
applied himself chiefly to the management of the Grant estates, with which
his father wholly intrusted him, he became a Member of Parliament for the
count of Moray, in the year 1741, and by re-elections he continued to represent
that county till the year 1761, when his son Sir James was elected in his
stead.
During the Rebellion of 1745, Mr. Grant patriotically exerted himself in support
of the House of Hanover in opposition to Prince Charles Edward, who acted
as Prince Regent for his father Prince James, commonly called the "Old
Pretender." Mr. Grant was ready zealously to aid King George the Second
and his Government with the whole of his clan, who were brave, loyal, united
under their chief and among themselves, and attached
[399]
to the then established Government. But, from whatever cause the feeling arose,
it would appear that the Government of King George the Second had little confidence
in the loyalty even of those Highland clans who had openly declared for the
House of Brunswick, and this feeling seems more or less to have influenced
the military authorities in their dealings with the chief of the Grants. That
doubtful policy greatly hindered united action. The part played by Sir Ludovick
Grant and his clan at this time forms an important episode in his career,
and a detailed account of his proceedings is necessary to show the eminently
loyal conduct of the chief and his clan. Two contemporary narratives, which
will be frequently quoted, as well as much original correspondence, happily
exist for an ample history of the Rebellion of 1745, in so far as it involved
the family of Grant.
The first official intimation which was received by the chief of the Clan
Grant of the landing of the young Pretender was contained in a letter from
Robert Craigie of Glendoick, lord advocate of Scotland, to Ludovick Grant,
dated 5th August 1745.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 144. The
writer refers to a report current at Paris that the Pretender's son was
to embark at Nantz on the 15th July, and desires Mr. Grant to furnish him
with intelligence of the feeling in his neighbourhood, to be forwarded to
London, "where," he adds, "at present they have no very good
opinion of the affections of this country." The young Pretender, however,
had sailed from Nantz a fortnight before the time assigned, and was actually
in Scotland when the Lord Advocate wrote, but as this was unknown to the Government,
Mr. Grant was not called upon to aid the Government in any way other than
by furnishing information of the Pretender's movements, or of reports
arising therefrom.
Soon after the receipt of this letter came the news of the Pretender's
arrival in Scotland, with conflicting rumours as to the number of his adherents.
Mr. Grant and his father, Sir James, who had been at Grangehill, in Moray,
thereupon came to Castle Grant, summoned their friends, and intimated their
resolve to support in every way the Government of King George. They also communicated
what intelligence they had of the Pretender's movements.
[400] Shortly thereafter Sir James
Grant went to London, to perform his Parliamentary duties, leaving his son
virtual head of the clan, and earnestly recommending him to concur heartily
in every measure for support of the Government. Mr. Grant was very willing
to do this, and in pursuance of his purpose, called his friends together,
and inquired what arms were in the possession of his clan. This was necessary,
as by the operation of the Disarming Act in 1725, the loyal clans had been
left without arms, and, indeed, any further steps Mr. Grant might have taken
at this time in aid of the Government would have been frustrated by this deficiency.
Lord President Forbes came to the north with the view of preventing, if possible,
the further spread of the insurrection, and from Alexander Brodie of Brodie,
Lyon King-of-Arms, who was then in close attendance on him, Mr. Grant received
a letter contradicting a report as to the landing of a large number of French
troops, and giving information that Sir John Cope was on his way north to
meet the rebels.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 145. Further
intelligence of Cope's march, which was delayed by insufficiency of provisions
and want of money,
Browne's History of the Highlands, vol.
iii. p. 33. came from the Lord Advocate,
Vol. ii. of this
work, p. 146. and also from the Lyon,
ibid. p. 147.
who, in the same letter, intimated the arrival at Inverness of a thousand
stand of arms with ammunition for the friends of the Government. Sir John
Cope resumed his march northwards from Stirling on 20th August 1745, and on
the 25th Mr. Grant wrote to him with information intimating that he and his
clan had been doing their best to preserve the peace of the country, and to
defend themselves, and that his fears of vengeance from hostile clans were
dispelled by the news of the General's march.
Ibid. p.
148.
The letter was conveyed to Sir John Cope by a kinsman of Mr. Grant, who was
to inform the General of the number of arms and men which could be supplied,
so that if Sir John required assistance he might know what was available.
The messenger found the General at a point further north than was expected,
he having resolved to march to Inverness rather than meet the rebels in a
mountainous district, where his army would he at a disadvantage. Mr. Grant's
kinsman returned on the 26th August,
[401]
with no other answer to his letter than a verbal message of thanks. He also
stated that Sir John was marching to Inverness to avoid the rebels, and that
he would encamp at the head of Strathspey on the following evening.
The cold reception given by the royalist commander to Mr. Grant's offer
of assistance probably tended to promote the lukewarmness afterwards shown
by the clan Grant it though not by their chief, but Sir John Cope's answer
was no doubt prompted by the conduct already experienced by him from professed
adherents of the Government. To such of these as resided near the line of
march, notices had been sent requiring them to raise men. Among the more prominent
persons thus summoned were the Duke of Athole and Lord Glenorchy, who both
visited Cope while halted at Crieff, but showed themselves indisposed to raise
their followers. Thus disappointed in his expectations of help from friends
of the Government, the unlucky General continued his march, and when he received
Mr. Grant's letter where he may have expected to be joined by a portion
of the clan, he merely acknowledged it in the manner referred to.
The result was unfortunate. Mr. Grant was sincere in his desire to aid Sir
John, and the clan would have mustered strongly if called upon. Indeed, all
motives of loyalty apart, such a step would have been for their own interest,
as the rebel clans in arms had denounced vengeance against the clan Grant
for their loyal conduct in 1715. But Sir John's ill-judged march to Inverness
left the Grant country open to be plundered by the insurgent army, a danger
which was imminent, it is stated that at this time Mr. Grant was advised that
the "person called the Duke of Perth was in Braemar, raising the Highlanders
in that country; that the McKintoshes and McPhersons were all in concert with
the rebels; that their plan was that they, and even the Pretender and the
Highlanders with him, were to march down through Strathspey and join Perth,
and march through Strathaven, Glenlivet, and Aberdeenshire, and so southward
in advance of Sir John Cope, raising all the men in the country through which
they marched,"
Contemporary Ms. narrative by Mr. Lachlan
Grant. writer, Edinburgh, at Castle Grant. Mr. Grant was a descendant of the
Family of Grant through Mungo Grant of Kinchirdie, and was law-agent for Sir
James Grant and Sir Ludovick. His narrative was written by him with a perfect
knowledge of all the circumstances, and probably with the view of being presented
to [402] Government,
as various letters are copied and added to the narrative in support of the
facts stated. Mr. Grant occupied the estate of Gartinbeg, and died without
issue on 15th August 1775. The MS. is entitled, "A short narrative of
Mr. Grant's conduct during the Rebellion." The narrative is contained
in 24 pp. and the appendix 72 pp. foolscap. "This," it is added,
"obliged Mr. Grant to set about raising his friends as fast as possible
for defence of his own country." But notwithstanding this, Mr. Grant
gave orders to certain of his clan to act as guides to the royal army, appointing
others to patrol the hills and watch the passes by which the rebels might
have attacked Sir John's force, while he himself mustered his friends
to check an attack upon the royal troops, the rear of which was threatened
by six hundred insurgent Highlanders.
ibid. Browne's History
of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 39
This activity, however, was either misunderstood or misrepresented. In a letter
to Mr. Grant, the Lyon strongly urges him to join Sir John Cope, as he had
promised to do, and reproaches him for not acting up to his assurances. He
says, "You in your letter to Sir John Cope . . . . . . wrote to him that
you and your people were ready to join and assist him, yet by some fatal advice
you would nether join him with one man, nor go near him yourself, altho'
he stopt at Avemore, and lay at Dalrachny's within ten miles of you, and
was in danger of being attack'd in Sloch Muyck." Mr. Brodie also
refers to a report that Mr. Grant's people had refused to follow him if
he joined Cope, or marched out of his own country.
Vol. ii.
of this work, p. 149.
Yet neither in the Lord Advocate's letters already quoted,
Ibid.
pp. 144, 146. nor, so far as appears, in any official manner, not even
by Sir John Cope himself, was Mr. Grant requested to join the royal forces
with his clan. After the statement of the Lord Advocate that the Government
had no high opinion of the affection of the country, even the most enthusiastic
loyalist could scarcely be expected to come forward while the regular troops
were in the field, unless specially requested to do so. Mr. Grant made no
profession to Sir John Cope that his people were ready to assist, but simply
intimated that they had been preparing, before the news of the General's.
march, to defend themselves, and it was Sir John Cope's change of plan
in marching to Inverness, leaving the country behind him open to the rebels,
which so alarmed the Grants for the safety of their own district,
[403]
that they refused to march out of it when there was no enemy to be encountered.
The result of this misunderstanding was that the members of the clan Grant,
though remaining, as a body, loyal to the existing Government, never heartily
co-operated with the royal officers. Mr. Grant, however, did not refrain from
giving every aid he could to assist the General's march. He wrote to him,
forwarding a letter from the Lord Advocate, with information respecting the
movements of the rebels, that Gordon of Glenbucket had marched southward,
but that few men had. joined him, and of these some were already deserting,
while very few had joined the young Pretender from the north of Badenoch.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 155.
The wisdom of the resolution acted upon by Mr. Grant, to aid the Government
in every way possible, but yet to abide in his own country unless desired
to march direct against the rebels, was justified by events. On 5th September
1745, while Sir John Cope was lying at Inverness, Mr. Grant received a letter
from his sister Penuel, wife of Captain Grant of Ballindalloch, stating that
the people of Morange (Morinch) were threatened with plunder if they did not
join the rebels.
Ibid. p. 152. Gordon of Glenbucket was
then in the neighbourhood doing his utmost to raise recruits and compel men
to join Prince Charles Edward, but had no great success.
ibid.
pp. 155, 157. Mr. Grant further received intelligence from his factor
in Urquhart, that certain persons were striving to induce the tenants there
to join the insurgents. The tenants of the Urquhart estate, situated to the
west of Loch Ness, at a distance from Castle Grant, and surrounded by disaffected
clans, the Frasers, Macdonalds, and others, were peculiarly liable to be drawn
into the rebellion. Mr. Grant wrote in reply, to his factor, informing the
latter of the falsity of the reports circulated regarding the rebel forces,
showing the number of regular troops at the command of the Government, and
the danger of appearing in arms against it. He desired the gentlemen, tenants,
and others in Urquhart to abide peaceably at home, and gather in their crops,
assuring them of his encouragement should they obey, and of his vengeance
should they do otherwise. This letter was to be read publicly, that all might
know his sentiments.
Ibid. p. 153.
In the letter to his factor in Urquhart, Mr. Grant speaks of the
[404]
residents in Strathdoun and Glenlivet desiring to remain peaceable, and flocking
to the Grant country "with their cattle, to be free of ruin in order
to be happie at home within some few days, when Glenbucket is to march from
that neighbourhood." A few days afterwards, on 10th September, Sir Harry
Innes of Innes wrote to Mr. Grant from Elgin, "We ar hear in a perpetuall
alarm for Glenbucket; he took some of the Duke of Gordon's horses and
arms this morning. . . . . . . This allarm and search for horses has determined
me to send mine under your protection."
Vol. ii. of this
work, p. 155. It is thus evident that Mr. Grant, by remaining in their
midst, was more able to keep his neighbours quiet and loyal, and also to aid
and protect them, than by marching his clan on ill-judged expeditions where
there was no enemy to be attacked.
The efforts of Mr. Grant to prevent the people of Urquhart joining the rebels
were so far successful. A letter from his factor there, dated 12th September,
informed him that the gentlemen and tenants of Urquhart had yielded to the
desire of their young Laird, and that some who were on their way to the Highland
army had been induced to remain at home. Others had gone, especially Glenmoriston,
though none of great influence. The factor also mentioned the preparations
made by Lord Lovat, the Chisholm, and other chiefs, for joining Prince Charles,
and stated that the Highland army had intercepted a letter from Sir Alexander
Macdonald (of Sleat), in which the latter declared his resolution to adhere
to the Government, and that when this letter came to Prince Charles's
hands he was displeased, and said publicly that he did not expect such language,
as Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod were among the first in Scotland that
advised his coming, as their letters would show.
Ibid. p. 156.
Accounts were received by Mr. Grant from time to time of the march of the
Pretender and the proceedings of his adherents. He was also informed of the
raising of militia for the Government in Sutherland and Caithness.
ibid.
pp. 157, 158. In due time also came tidings of the defeat of Cope at
Prestonpans, on the 21st of September, the details of which were at first
received with incredulity,
ibid. pp. 159, 162, 163. but
were afterwards confirmed to the full.
[405] Before this success of the rebel
army was known in the north, Lord President Forbes, acting upon instructions
from the Government, had endeavoured to raise among the loyal clans a number
of independent companies, as they were called, to act in conjunction with
the regular troops. This project of raising independent companies, officered
from among the gentlemen of each clan, was no new idea to the mind of the
President. In 1738 he himself suggested such a scheme as a means of gaining
Government influence in the Highlands, and had his ideas been carried out,
the restless spirits who, in the Rebellion of 1745, gave such trouble to the
country, might have found a safer vent for their energy in fighting the foes
of Britain on the Continent. A few independent companies had been formed,
and had acted as a species of police in the Highlands, but they had recently
been abolished, to the great wrath of Lord Lovat, who was a captain, and thus
was enabled to train his own men at the expense of the Government. On the
dissolution of these companies a regiment was embodied from their elements,
now celebrated as the Forty-second, or "Black Watch."
Burton,
vol. ii. pp. 355, 386. See also Lord Lovat's letters in vol. ii. The name
by which this regiment has been so long distinguished, is said to have arisen
from the colour of their dress, which, "as it consisted so much of the
black green and blue tartan, gave them a dark and sombre appearance in comparison
with the bright uniform of the regulars, who at that time had coats, waistcoats,
and breeches of scarlet cloth. Hence the term Du, or black, as applied to
this corps." - Stewart's Sketches of the Highland Regiments, vol.
i. p. 240. The letters of service incorporating the regiment were dated on
25th October 1739.
In treating of the tactics adopted by Lord President Forbes in his dealings
with the Highland chiefs at this juncture, and his conduct to the Laird of
Grant, although it has been alleged that his treatment of the latter was not
free from jealousy, regard must be had to the critical position in which the
President now found himself. He had not believed the first reports of the
rising, but when the standard of the Pretender was really known to be raised,
he hurried north, desiring that the Government should, by striking rapidly,
quell the insurrection at the outset. This was not done, partly through delay
on the part of the Government, who were wholly unprepared, and partly through
Sir John Cope's inefficiency. When therefore the Pretender's army
marched triumphantly on the Low lands, it became necessary to use other means
to check the insurgents
[406] than
what was afforded by Cope's army. Had the President at once sought the
aid of the loyal clans, or summoned them to arms, accustomed as they were
to Highland warfare, the insurgents might have been over awed and the rebellion
nipped in the bud. But the Government declined to authorise this step, and
President Forbes would not act without instructions. He therefore recurred
to the plan of raising independent companies, and about the l4th of September
he received commissions for twenty of these.
On that date, according to a contemporary narrative, the President sent a
message to Mr. Grant desiring to see him. A meeting was arranged, and took
place at a point between the two houses of Culloden and Castle Grant, when
the President informed Mr. Grant that he was empowered by the Government to
raise some companies, and offered Mr. Grant the first of them, if lie would
name the officers. The number of companies to be raised was not stated, nor
any communication made as to the operations intended. Mr. Grant replied that
in his opinion the best way to serve the King was to employ all his Majesty's
friends in the north. He did not then name the officers, lest by naming some
he might offend others, but promised to give an answer in a day or two, as
he did not then see the benefit to be gained by the scheme. They then separated,
each returning home, as, owing to the state of the country, neither could
be absent a night from his own house.
Contemporary MS. narratives,
by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk, and Lachlan Grant, at Castle Grant. In
addition to the narrative by Mr. Lachlan Grant, already referred to, a paper,
entitled, a Narrative of the Family of Grants behaviour during the Rebellion
of 1745," etc., was drawn up by Sir Archibald Grant, Baronet, of Monymusk.
Much of it is in his own handwriting, and is the statement of one who was
an eye-witness and actor in the events he narrates. The original MS. extends
to 41 large folio pages. There is also a separate copy of the whole original
MS.
When Mr. Grant reached home, he learned from newspapers and ether sources
that the President had received instructions to raise twenty companies. lie
found also that many gentlemen of his clan were dissatisfied with the proportion
assigned to them, they being of opinion that more than one company should
have been offered to the clan. According to the proportion they bore to the
other loyal northern clans they "looked upon it as a slight intended
to them, and that either it was intended that
[407]
no more of them but that company should be employed in the service, or if
they were, that it must be at their own expence, while the other favourite
clans were to be paid by the Government."
MS. narratives,
8upra.
This increased Mr. Grant's difficulty in naming officers, and after consideration
of the circumstances, Lord Deskford, son of the Earl of Findlater, who, with
his father, was then residing at Castle Grant, and Sir Archibald Grant of
Monymusk, were despatched to Culloden to explain matters to the Lord President.
Lord Deskford was to represent that, if the measure of raising companies was
still insisted on, Mr. Grant, rather than give up the service, would accept
of four or even three of them, but that a smaller number would not employ
the principal gentlemen of the clan, nor satisfy any of them, where so many
were to be disposed of. He was also to assure the President that the whole
clan Grant should on all occasions be ready to act in the Government service,
only that it would be necessary to pay them while in employment, as Mr. Grant's
private fortune was unequal to such expense.
The Lord President's reply to these representations, through Lord Deskford,
was to the effect that though he was trusted with the disposal of twenty companies,
yet all possible economy was enjoined, and that he could not therefore at
first exceed one company to any one clan. He knew the importance in that country
of the family of Grant, and had therefore offered the first company to Mr.
Grant, but should the latter refuse it, others might follow his example, and
the whole scheme would miscarry. It might not be the best measure, yet it
was the only one that the Government had proposed for employing their friends
in the north, and a miscarriage would have serious consequences. He hoped
therefore that with so much at stake, Mr. Grant would overlook small difficulties,
and if, in the future distribution of companies, due regard was not had to
the family of Grant, then Mr. Grant would have reason to complain.
Ibid
After receiving this explanation, and consulting his friends, Mr. Grant wrote,
on 22d September 1745, to President Forbes,
Vol. ii. of this
work, p. 160. referring to the opinions expressed by his friends, and
to Lord Deskford's mission, explaining the cause for the latter. He assured
the President of his full belief in his
[408]
friendship for the family of Grant, and concluded by naming the officers for
the one company. Mr. Grant thus showed his willingness to sacrifice all personal
considerations in the service of the Government. President Forbes replied
in a friendly spirit, and expressed himself satisfied with the choice of officers.
He added some information as to the military movements in the south.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 161.
This matter of the company was no sooner arranged than Mr. Grant received
from William Marquis of Tullibardine, signing as Duke of Athole, a summons
on behalf of Prince Charles Edward, to raise his own clan and aid the cause
of the Stewarts.
Ibid. This order was issued by the Marquis
in his assumed character of Commander-in-chief north of the Forth. lie referred
to the victory gained by the rebel troops at Preston, and hoped Mr. Grant
would join them. To this letter Mr. Grant returned only a verbal answer by
the bearer, that he and his father would, with all their friends, and their
utmost influence, use their highest endeavours to oppose and suppress this
rebellion, and in defence of the Government. On or about the 27th September,
Mr. Grant received the first news of the battle of Preston.
ibid.
p. 159. He immediately sent off the intelligence to President Forbes,
who acknowledged the receipt of the news, and added some particulars, but
treated the reports as exaggerated. Yet lie adds, "in the meantime, as
the worst account is greedily swallowed in this country, it occasions a considerable
ferment, and I cannot answer for what folly may ensue. I therefor think you
will judge it proper to have all your people allert, that they may be able
to do such service as the exigence may require. Such a disposition in them
will help to cause their neighbours consider."
Ibid. pp.
161, 162. Mr. Grant, in his zeal for the service of the Government, looked
upon this letter as the first direct proposal for raising his men generally,
and therefore brought together all for whom he could find arms. he was the
more readily led to this step by the information that the Farquharsons were
rising in Aberdeenshire, and that the Macphersons, with, it was said, the
Frasers and Mackintoshes, were to march through Strathspey to join them. These
disavowed all intention of hurting the Grant country, purposing only to force
men from Strathdon and Glenlivet,
[409]
which Mr. Grant had formerly hindered Gordon of Glenbucket from doing. But
Mr. Grant so disposed his men in the passes, that though the Macphersons marched
near the borders between Badenoch and Strathspey. they were effectually kept
in check, and the people of Strathdon and Glenlivet, except a few stragglers,
were protected from being compelled to join the rebels. Mr. Grant also, on
a report that the Mackintoshes were in motion, kept his men together for some
days, till he was assured to the contrary.
Though Mr. Grant was thus able to protect Strathspey and its neighbourhood,
his own estate of Urquhart was greatly exposed to the influences of the insurgents,
and gave him considerable anxiety. On 30th September 1715, Colonel Angus Macdonald,
a son of Glengarry, wrote to Mr. Grant's bailie in Urquhart, informing
the latter that he had orders from the Prince to raise the country, and demanding
that a hundred men should be ready to join him in five days, under pain of
burning and harassing the district. In case of refusal he threatened to march
at once and execute his orders with all rigour.
Vol. ii. of
this work, p. 165.. To this it was replied that Mr. Grant having ordered
all his People in Urquhart to remain loyal to His Majesty, with a promise
hat he would protect and indemnify them for doing so, Macdonald could expect
no man from that country to join him.
MS. Narrative by Sir
Archibald Grant. On being advised of this, Mr. Grant wrote again (on 6th
October) to his tenants of Urquhart, in very strong terms, commanding them
to remain quietly at home and subject to his direction, under pain of his
most severe displeasure. As he was determined that any one disturbing them
should meet with a suitable return, they had no reason to fear.
Vol.
ii. of this work, pp. 166, 167.
Notwithstanding this, however, Mr. Grant a day or two afterwards was informed
by his bailie in Urquhart, that, in obedience to orders, he had summoned the
tenants, but that only sixty or seventy had obeyed the call. With these he
had set out for Strathspey, when they were met by Colonel Macdonald and the
gentlemen of the district, all of whom, except two, swore publicly to the
tenants, that if they did not return, their crops would be destroyed and their
cattle carried
[410] off. Upon this
the tenants refused to proceed, and Macdonald then assured the bailie that
the country would be safe from him, and that he would persuade others who
had orders to destroy it, to desist.
Vol. ii. of this work,
p. 168. Mr. Grant at once replied, in a letter dated 10th October, that
he was not surprised at the conduct of the gentlemen of Urquhart, who were
determined to disobey his orders and to make his tenants do likewise. He gave
information as to the movements of the troops, to relieve anxiety as to vengeance
from the rebels, and reiterating his command for the march of the tenants
to Strathspey, enjoined his bailie to observe secrecy, that they might not
again be intercepted, He also repeated his promise to repay all losses suffered
by those tenants who obeyed him.
Ibid. p. 169.
A letter from Lord Deskford now informed Mr. Grant that the Mackintoshes and
Frasers had given up thoughts of marching, and that Lord Loudoun had come
north with a ship of war, containing, it was supposed. arms and money. The
next day Lord Loudoun himself wrote, announcing his appointment as commander-in-chief
in the north, and desiring that Mr. Grant's company should be ready as
soon as possible.
Ibid. p. 170. To the same effect President
Forbes also wrote on the 12th October, and stating that the men would be put
on the regular establishment as to pay, etc. In his letter the President expressed
his opinion that "the thing will blow over without much harm," but
adds, "it is my opinion you should have your eye on as many of your people
as you can arm, to be ready on any emergence if they are called out. Ways
and means shall be fallen on to subsist them." He regretted the behaviour
of the people of Urquhart, and was afraid they would require to be corrected.
Ibid. p. 171 In pursuance of these suggestions, Mr. Grant
again consulted with his friends to have all his men ready, and to increase
the number of their arms, in every way possible. He had advices from the minister
of Calder, near Nairn, that the Mackintoshes had been giving some trouble
there,
Ibid. p. 172. and Alexander Grant of Corriemony,
a gentleman of Urquhart, while excusing the uncertain loyalty of his own proceedings,
informed him of the intention of the Master of Lovat to march with three hundred
men to compel Mr. Grant's tenants to
[411]
join the Pretender. The writer accordingly advised the removal of the tenants
to Castle Grant.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 174.
On 16th October Mr. Grant replied to Lord Loudoun's letter of the 11th,
informing the latter that the company was being got together and equipped
as quickly as was possible. He suggested a change of officers, desiring to
retain with himself Mr. Grant of Rothiemurchus, who had been nominated Captain,
and to appoint his eldest son in his father's stead. The reason assigned
for this change was that as there might be occasion to convene and march the
clan, there was no one with Mr. Grant so fitted to command the men as the
elder Rothiemurchus. Mr. Grant informed Lord Loudoun that he had been obliged
that day to send thirty men to interrupt one Captain Gordon, who was levying
impositions on Mr. Grant's estate of Mulben in Banff. He referred to certain
information as to the movements of hostile clans, and hoped if these all marched
together towards his country, lie would receive some assistance from the Government.
Ibid. pp. 175, 16. Mr. Grant also wrote to President Forbes.
The President and Lord Loudoun replied separately in similar terms, stating
that the exchange of officers would require consideration. Lord Loudoun promised
assistance if necessary. Lord President Forbes wrote again on 24th October,
urging the despatch of the company.
Ibid. pp. 176-178.
Previous to this, however, Mr. Grant had received urgent advices, dated 21st
and 22d October, from a gentleman in Urquhart, that the Macdonalds, Glenmoriston
men, and others, were combining to molest the tenants and destroy the country
if they did not join the rebels, but that the tenants had declared they would
on no account disobey Mr. Grant's positive orders to remain peaceable,
and also that they would fight to the last drop of their blood, ere the Macdonalds
carried off their cattle. It was also added that the tenants would not be
able to resist both Macdonalds and Frasers, and that a dispute had arisen
betwixt the Master of Lovat and Macdonald of Barrisdale as to which had the
best right to these tenants, which had stayed the execution of their threats.
Mr. Grant was much concerned at this intelligence, as he feared that some
of his people in Urquhart might, by such influence, be forced from
[412]
their allegiance. He considered it of great importance to the Government that
those who were resolved to remain faithful at the hazard of their lives or
fortunes, should not be suffered to be dragged into the rebellion against
their wills, and being aware that Lord Loudoun, having but a small force at
his command, could not despatch a force sufficient to hinder the rebels in
their design, he determined to meet the emergency himself. As there was no
time to deliberate or receive Lord Loudoun's instructions, he mustered
his friends to the number of six or seven hundred, and marched towards Inverness
on his way to Urquhart,
MS. narrative by Sir Archibald Grant
and Lachlan Grant. desiring his brother-in-law, Lord Deskford, to inform
Lord Loudoun of his march, arid to request that the men might be provided
with quarters at Inverness.
To this request President Forbes returned answer, of date 26th October, that
directions had been given for accommodating the men in the best way possible.
He however expressed his own regret and that of Lord Loudoun that Mr. Grant
had not communicated his design before setting out with such numbers.
Vol.
ii. of this work, pp. 179, 180. When this reply reached Mr. Grant, he
had already halted his men some miles from Inverness, having been met by James
Grant of Dell, a tenant of Urquhart, who brought the agreeable news that the
rebels had left that district, and marched north to Assynt. Mr. Grant thereupon
dismissed his men with the exception of a few for disposal near his house.
On hearing of Mr. Grant's change of plan, Lord President Forbes wrote
expressing his relief that the whole number stated did not come, .as there
was no plan arranged for disposing of them, but he was concerned that the
company under Rothiemurchus did not come, as they had been expected earlier.
He desired, therefore, that they might be sent without delay. Referring to
the oppression of the Urquhart people and the probable necessity of marching
a considerable body of men to their relief, he says, "that in due time
may be concerted and executed, tho' it ought not to hinder the immediate
march of the company, who in all events will be so far in their way."
Ibid. p. 180.
Here also Mr. Grant received further information of the proceedings of the
rebel clans through Sir Harry Innes of Innes, and his own bailie
[413]
at Urquhart. The former stated that the Macdonalds, Mackintoshes, and others,
to the number of one thousand, had assembled at Lord Lovat's and purposed
marching north to force Lord Seaforth's men and raise the country in general
rebellion. From his bailie Mr. Grant learned some additional particulars,
that the Master of Lovat was to march with two hundred Frasers to join the
Prince, and that Lord Lovat intended paying a visit to Castle Grant to make
up all differences, in order to he revenged on Macleod, who had refused to
join the Prince, and who Lovat declared was a perjured villain, as he had
on a former occasion sworn to march with the Master of Lovat.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 181. Macleod would probably have joined the Pretender
had he not been kept loyal by the inducements perseveringly held out to him
by President Forbes.
One of the most active partisans of the Jacobites in the north of Scotland
was Lord Lewis Gordon, a son of the second Duke of Gordon, and he tried to
gain the young chief of the Grants to the cause of the Stewarts. On 3d November
1745, he wrote, conveying his compliments to Mr. Grant, with the hope that
he would not oppose the raising of his clan for the Prince.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 182. Gordon of Glenbucket was the bearer of the letter,
but Mr. Grant refused to see him, or to send more than a verbal reply, to
the effect that if any of his people took part against the Government, for
whom it was well known his father and he were determined to act vigorously,
or if any person dared to force or entice any of his people into such measures,
he would pursue every one so doing to the utmost of' his power.
MS.
narrative by Lachlan Grant. Mr. Grant intimated this attempt to Lord Loudoun
and President Forbes, and shortly afterwards proceeded himself to take active
measures against Lord Lewis Gordon. Learning from Sir Harry Innes that Lord
Lewis was in Strathavon and Kincardine, part of the estates of the Duke of
Gordon, pressing men of all ages, and that the Duke of Gordon's tenants
were leaving their country for shelter,
Vol. ii. of this work,
p 185. Mr. Grant, according to one account, marched about two hundred
men in that direction and effectually stopped the recruiting for the Pretender.
5
5. MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant. Another account says
nothing of the two hundred men, but states that Mr. Grant so influenced the
leading men on the estate of Kincardine by promises of
[414]
support, and otherwise, that they resisted all attempts upon their loyalty,
and compelled a recruiting party to fly from the neighbourhood.
MS.
narrative by Sir Archibald Grant.
In the meantime, Mr. Grant had been able to send the first independent company,
under Grant of Rothiemurchus, to join Lord Loudoun. He announced their departure
from Castle Grant, in a letter, dated 3d November, to his Lordship, in which
he thus accounts for the delay:
"There were soe many idle stories spread among the commons, that it was
with the greatest difficultie I gott them prevailed with to march to Invernes,
as they were made believe they were to be shipt of in order to recruite some
other regiments, and had severall other stories told them. . . . I have likewayes
been obliged to promise to releive the whole, or such as should incline to
return, at a month's end."
Vol. ii. of this work,
p. 183. Lord Loudoun and President Forbes both wrote to Mr. Grant, praising
very highly the appearance of the company sent, which is described as well
armed and clothed.
Ibid. pp. 183, 184. The President also
referred to his promise that if more independent companies were required,
Mr. Grant should choose the officers of one of them, and he now requested
Mr. Grant to raise another company in the same way as the last, and name the
officers, as both he and Lord Loudoun considered additional companies necessary.
This, he thought, would enable Mr. Grant to gratify some "deserving young
gentlemen" of his clan, as well as to do service to the Government.
When Mr. Grant submitted this new proposition of the President to his friends,
he was met with unexpected opposition. The gentlemen in Strathspey had heard
a rumour that four independent companies had been assigned to the Laird of
Macleod, and complained that Mr. Grant had accepted even of one. Mr. Grant
thereupon went to Inverness (about the 10th November) to confer personally
with President Forbes and Lord Loudoun. He found there that about four hundred
Macleods had already come to that neighbour hood, though it was said that
only part of them were to be employed. The President and Lord Loudoun both
pressed Mr. Grant to provide another company of one hundred men with officers.
Mr. Grant assured them that all his friends were in good humour, and ready
to venture everything in the service; that it was important to preserve such
a good spirit among them;
[415] that
jealousies had already risen regarding the first company, and while there
would be no difficulty in mustering four or five companies, yet, in the excited
state of feeling which prevailed, there would be great danger of offending
the gentlemen of his clan by naming the officers of one company and no more.
The President and Lord Loudoun, however, urged the matter so earnestly that
Mr. Grant agreed to take the company and consult his friends about it.
MS.
Narratives, by Sir Archibald Grant and Lachlan Grant. The gentlemen of
his clan, however, having positive information that the Laird of Macleod had
received four companies, besides which, one had been given to a cousin of
that Laird, whereby many gentle men of his clan were at once provided for,
would not consent to Mr. Grant's accepting only one company. They considered
the giving of five companies to the Macleods so manifest a partiality and
slight that they refused to raise another among themselves. Mr. Grant did
not think it wise to force their inclinations, and on 29th November, he wrote
to Lord Loudoun, referring to the terms of their personal interview, and stating
that the gentlemen of his clan were strongly averse to raising the second
company. He declared his own willingness to comply with the Lord President's
desire, but did not incline to push the matter to the dislike of his friends.
He at the same time assures Lord Loudoun that the whole clan would be ready
on a few days' notice to go on any duty for his Majesty's service,
and were as much to be depended on as they were in the rebellion of 1715.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 186.
It may be explained in passing that though the gentlemen of the clan Grant
accounted the giving of five companies to the Macleods as a slight to themselves,
and though it has, in an earlier memoir of Mr. Grant,
The Chiefs
of Colquhoun, by William Fraser, vol. i. p. 336. been stated as a charge
against President Forbes that through jealousy he threw difficulties in the
way of Mr. Grant's rendering full service to the Government, a perusal
of their correspondence, then unknown, affords no good ground for such a suspicion.
Nor does the apparent partiality shown to Macleod give any good reason for
the charge of jealousy, or even for the offence taken by the Grants. It is
probable that had they not been excited by the ferment of opinion and rumour
around them, or blinded for the moment by clannish feeling, they would have
seen that being asked
[416] for one
company, or two as required, was really a higher compliment to their loyalty
and to the standing of their clan, than the giving of five companies to the
Macleods. The latter was a piece of policy. Had Lord President Forbes's
knowledge of the Highland clans and the character of their chiefs been acted
upon by the Government, it is probable the rebellion would never have reached
the height it did. The chief cause of the adhesion of the rebel clans to the
standard of Prince Charles Edward was, in truth, the reverse phase of the
reason founded upon by the Grants iii refusing to raise a second company.
They asserted that one company would not do for them what the five companies
had done for the Macleods; that is, provide occupation for all the gentlemen
of the clan.
In the same way, the Highland chiefs, many of whom chafed at the life of inactivity
which was being gradually forced upon them, as the Government grew strong
enough to repress their feuds and raids upon the Lowlands, saw in the coming
of Prince Charles a chance of gaining importance for themselves and of employing
their restless dependants. It is true that Lochiel, the most prominent of
the chiefs who joined the young Pretender, with one or two others, were gained
over at first by the charm of his manner or a dexterous appeal to their feelings.
Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 15.
But they, and others who afterwards joined him, were by no means insensible
to the rewards which they conceived they might claim from a grateful Prince,
and the first success of his arms added greatly to the number of his adherents
who hoped to share in the spoil. President Forbes foresaw the necessity of
the Government holding out to wavering chieftains such inducements as should
at once gratify their warlike spirit and possess a surer ground of promise
than could be found in the insurgent army.
The President's scheme of the independent companies was the only one sanctioned
by the Government, and these were limited to twenty in number. sound policy
dictated that these should be disposed of in such a way as to attract the
greatest number of wavering chiefs to the side of the Government. Of such
Macleod was by far the most powerful. The Grants had not wavered in their
allegiance, their loyalty had been approved in 1715, and their chiefs were,
in 1745, as staunch as ever in their attachment
[417]
to the House of Hanover. There was therefore no special need in their ease
to hold out inducements to adhere to King George. The clan, with a few exceptions,
were of one mind with their chiefs, and could be depended on in an emergency,
without being specially formed into a regiment.
But this was not the case with Macleod. Though it does not appear that the
Macleods actually took up arms in 1715, they were described in paper furnished
for the information of the King of France shortly before that date, as loyal
to the Stewarts, and able to bring five hundred men into the field.
Original
Paper printed in Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. ii, App. p. 429.
In the present rebellion, the Chief of Macleod, with Sir Alexander Macdonald
of Sleat, had engaged themselves to join the Pretender, provided the King
of France furnished an army in his aid. But when Prince Charles Edward landed
in the west of Scotland with only a few followers, and trusting in nothing
but his own destiny, these chieftains looked upon his cause as hopeless, and
refused to join his standard.
Browne's History, vol. iii.
p. 6. To this decision, so fortunate for themselves, they were firmly
held by Lord President Forbes, who, fearing lest their professed loyalty to
the House of Hanover might give way before the successes of the Highland army,
held out such inducements as the independent companies offered, to engage
Macleod at least (who hesitated most) in the service of the Government.
Besides, President Forbes was too sincerely devoted to the Government to have
needlessly hurt the feelings of a loyal clan when the latter was of so much
importance as the Grants. Fortunately, however, the gentlemen of the clan
had no immediate opportunity for brooding over their supposed wrongs, for
in the same letter in which Mr. Grant announces to Lord Loudoun the refusal
to raise a second company, he mentions reports that the rebels had burned
corn-stacks in Braemar, and had committed violence elsewhere in levying impositions,
which he considered him self bound to suppress.
Vol. ii. of
this work, p. 186. He offered, on receiving Lord Loudoun's commands,
to march five or six hundred men to Aberdeen, and endeavour to restore time
peace, and to carry out this project Mr. Grant asked two hundred stand of
arms, and that the company commanded by Captain Grant of Rothiemurchus should,
if possible, be sent to his assistance.
[418] In his reply Lord Loudoun complimented
Mr. Grant on his zeal for the service, but intimated that he himself was just
setting out at the head of the Grant company and others, on an expedition
to Fort Augustus. Thereafter he proposed to march along the coast for the
relief of the district, and would, if necessary, ask assistance from Mr. Grant.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 187.
On receiving from a gentleman of his clan, Mr. Grant of Achoynany, a summons
addressed to the latter by Lord Lewis Gordon, commanding him to send to Keith
a certain number of men armed and equipped,
Ibid. p. 188.
Mr. Grant wrote in reply that, though somewhat hindered at present, he would
not see the country, in which he and his father were so materially concerned,
oppressed in any way. He requested, therefore, that Achoynany should inform
him more particularly of the rebel movements, and he would keep in view the
necessity of affording protection.
MS. narrative by Sir Archibald
Grant.
The Earl of Findlater, at the same time, received intimation of similar threats
against his tenants, and wrote to the Lord President stating the situation,
and suggesting that he and Lord Loudoun should provide some remedy. He further
informed the President that he had advised the people in Banffshire not to
be intimidated by the threats of the rebels, but he was afraid some would
be unable to resist the execution of these threats.
Ibid.
The President wrote in reply approving the advice given, and trusting that
Lord Findlater would soon be relieved of all apprehensions, as a large body
of men had marched from Inverness towards Aberdeen, to be followed shortly
by Lord Loudoun in person with another force. The President suggests that
Lord Findlater should accompany Lord Loudoun, or provide some one to act as
a guide, and also arrange for accommodation of the troops.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 189. This letter, though dated the 10th, was not despatched
till the 11th, and did not reach Castle Grant till the 13th December.
Before the arrival of this reply, Lord Findlater received another letter from
his chamberlain,
MS. narratives by Sir Archibald Grant and
Lachlan Grant. and Mr. Grant a letter from Grant of Achoynany, both stating
that various parties of the rebels were pressing men, quartering themselves
on Lord Findlater's tenants and others, and "playing the devil"
with them.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 191. Grant of Achoynany
begs that Mr. Grant would march some
[419]
men to the neighbourhood and overawe the rebels, who were much afraid of the
Strathspey men. Mr. Grant responded by at once mustering five or six hundred
men, whom he marched to Keith. Of this fact he notified Lord Loudoun, on 12th
December, in a letter written on the eve of setting out, stating that he felt
it incumbent upon him to prevent oppression to his neighbours, and the dragging
of their tenants to the rebel army, and had therefore summoned his clan. He
hoped to be at Keith next day, and to keep the surrounding country quiet,
until he heard further from his Lordship.
Vol. ii. of this
work, p. 192.
The Grant men marched straight towards Keith, but the weather was so excessively
wet, that two days after setting out, they had only arrived in the vicinity
of Mulben, about four miles from Keith. On Mr. Grant's approach, the rebels
disappeared from that neighbourhood, and reassembled at Fochabers, to the
number of two or three hundred, under the command of Gordon of Avachy. Mr.
Grant accordingly halted his men for rest and refreshment after their rapid
march, preparatory to an attack on the rebels. Here Mr. Grant received a letter
from Lord Findlater, enclosing the reply from President Forbes, and in reference
to the reported movement of troops, Lord Findlater says, "All their proceedings
will not secure our safety unless a sufficient right and trusty person is
left in Banffshire, for Lord Lewis's small parties will stir as soon as
they are past, if there is not force enough to suppress them." This opinion
fully justified Mr. Grant's independent action. Lord Findlater also excused
himself from accompanying Lord Loudoun, on the score of ill health, but states
that he had written to the sheriff~deputes to prepare for the troops. He gave
Mr. Grant full power to act for him, if the sheriffs were afraid to move in
the matter.
Copy Letter in Appendix to MS. narrative of Lachlan
Grant.
At the same time, Mr. Grant also learned that Lord Loudoun had reached Moray,
and that the rebels had brought the boats on Spey to the east or Fochabers
side of the river. He therefore sent a party of a hundred men who secured
the Boat of Bridge, two miles further up the Spey. Mr. Grant then wrote to
Sir Harry Innes at Elgin, detailing what he had done, and promising Protection
to the town, also inquiring about Macleod's
[420]
motions with his men, and whether Lord Loudoun had any commands for himself.
MS. narrative of Lachlan Grant. In reply he received a
letter from the Laird of Macleod, who rejoiced to hear of his march, which
he conceived would be of great service to the Government. Macleod stated that
he had orders to march with five hundred men, and attempt to cross the Spey
to assist in protecting that neighbourhood. He had heard that the passage
of the river was to In disputed, and that the rebels had secured possession
of all the boats, but was persuaded that the force under Mr. Grant would disperse
the insurgents and open the passage. He further assured Mr. Grant that he
would gladly act in conjunction with him in every matter for the good of the
service.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 193. Mr. Grant at once
wrote to Macleod that as soon as he could summon his men, who were quartered
in neighbouring farm-houses, he would march to Fochabers and endeavour to
secure the passage of the Spey for Macleod's men; he further expressed
a hope that he would be at Spey-side before two o'clock that afternoon
(Sunday, 15th December). Mr. Grant accordingly marched his men towards Spey
as speedily as possible, a movement which forced the rebels to retire from
the district with some haste, their leader declaring that but for the Strathspey
men he would have made it very difficult for Macleod to pass the Spey.
There was no engagement, as the Grant men had not quite reached the river,
when intelligence was brought that the rebels had retired, and that Macleod
and his party were crossing in safety. Sir Harry Innes afterwards wrote to
Mr. Grant regretting that the movements of his men had not been speedy enough
to enable them to capture the rebels who had been guarding the boats,
Ibid.
p. 197. but no blame was due to any one, as the insurgents retired precipitately
on hearing of Mr. Grant's march.
As Macleod's men were safe, Mr. Grant was about to send his men into quarters,
when he heard that a small party of rebels remained near Cullen House. lie
at once despatched a company thither to secure the place and drive out any
rebels in possession of it. Cullen remained in the hands of the Grants, and
furnished quarters for Macleod's men, who came there next day (16th December).
Mr. Grant then marched to Keith. where he quartered his men and placed advanced
guards some miles in the
[421] direction
of Strathbogie, where he heard that the main body of the insurgents lay. He
informed Lord Loudoun of what he had done, and then, with a few other gentlemen,
went to Cullen, where, under the powers received from Lord Findlater, he took
care that Macleod and his people were well entertained. Mr. Grant informed
Macleod of his having sent to Lord Loudoun, and of his purpose to remain at
Keith for further orders. Macleod, however, earnestly requested Mr. Grant
to go with him towards Aberdeen, or at least to Strathbogie, and co-operate
with himself and Munro of Culcairn, if he did not receive further orders,
to which Mr. Grant assented, and returned to Keith to prepare his men.
MS.
narratives by Sir Archibald Grant and Lachlan Grant.
On reaching Keith, Mr. Grant received a letter from Lord Lewis Gordon remonstrating
with him for marching his men to Mulben, declaring that Mr. Grant had no reason
to do so, as positive orders had been given that his estates should be let
alone, and threatening that if Mr. Grant concerned himself in protecting any
estates but his own, he would stiffer accordingly. Lord Lewis also stated
that he was writing to Lord John Drummond to march his troops directly upon
that district to combine with those under himself, and he therefore urged
Mr. Grant to withdraw his men.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 196.
With this letter were enclosed two printed documents, the first being a manifesto
issued by Lord John Drummond as "Commander in-chief of his most Christian
Majesty's forces in Scotland,"
Printed at length in
Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 155. and the second
a letter from the exiled Earl Marischal to Lord John Drummond, announcing
his intention of invading England with a body of French troops, and desiring
Lord John to summon the writer's friends to rise in arms for the Prince.
MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant.
The receipt of these documents strengthened Mr. Grant's determination
to advance with Macleod at least as far as Strathbogie, and he returned a
verbal message to the effect that if Lord Lewis, with his men, would be at
Strathbogie next day by 12 o'clock, he would there receive the answer,
which Mr. Grant was determined should be proclaimed at the market cross, and
fixed upon it. Mr. Grant then intimated his purpose to Macleod,
Ibid.
[422] who replied, approving Mr. Grant's
intentions.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 199. On the 18th
December, therefore, Mr. Grant marched to Strathbogie, and, at his approach,
the rebels left that place, and fell back towards Aberdeen. Mr. Grant thereupon
proclaimed and affixed to the market cross a declaration in the name of Lord
Loudoun, that all who had been compelled by force to enter the rebel army,
if they came in and delivered up their arms, would be treated favourably by
His Majesty, while those who persisted would be regarded as traitors.
Ibid.
p. 199.
At Strathbogie, however, Mr. Grant's active service on behalf of the Government
was brought to a stand. While there he received a letter from Lord Loudoun,
dated Inverness, 14th December, acknowledging Mr. Grant's letter of the
12th, with the first intimation of his sudden march towards Keith. Lord Loudoun
referred to the dispositions of troops already made by him for protecting
the country, and concluded by suggesting to Mr. Grant that if they both made
a sudden march without concert, their men might meet in the same quarters,
which would be inconvenient at that season of the year.
Ibid.
p. 194. This sentence contained a tacit rebuke to Mr. Grant for anticipating
the movements of the Government troops, and it was indorsed by a letter of
the same date from Lord Deskford, who had joined Lord Loudoun. Lord Deskford
states that Lord Loudoun regretted lie had no arms at his disposal, and no
authority to pay any clan "except when an immediate necessity, which
cannot be answered by the troops on the establishment, requires it:"
that Lord Loudoun considered time service in Banffshire and Aberdeenshire
sufficiently provided for by the yen hundred men already despatched there
(under Macleod and Culcairn), and that it was impossible to take Mr. Grant's
clan into pay. He believed Lord Loudon would be as well pleased if, under
the circumstances, the Grants returned to Strathspey, though ins Lordship
would not take upon him to order them back, as the expedition was made without
his command, and he adds, "He (Lord Loudoun) says he won't fail to
represent your zeal, and that of your people, and wishes for the future nothing
may he undertaken but in concert with those who have the direction of the
king's affairs in this country."
Copy Letter in Appendix
to MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant.
[423] Mr. Grant's zeal for the
public service disposed him to overlook any censorious reflections such as
these, but he could not do otherwise than return home when he had so clear
a discharge from those in authority. The course indicated was opposed to Mr.
Grant's own inclinations, and to the opinion of his friends, but his determination
to return was strengthened by Mr. Lachlan Grant, whom he had sent to Lord
Loudoun for orders, and who stated that Lord Loudoun expressly advised his
return to Strathspey. Mr. Grant therefore intimated his resolution to Macleod
and Culcairn, both of whom expressed great regret at losing Mr. Grant's
assistance, but approved his action in the circumstances.
MS.
narrative by Sir Archibald Grant. Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 200, 201.
Next day, therefore, Mr. Grant returned to Keith, on his way home, but remembering
that Lord Findlater had expressed a fear that after the Government troops
had passed, new parties of rebels might steal down into the low country and
distress the neighbourhood, he detached a party for the protection of the
district, who did good service afterwards. On resuming the march he received
two letters from Lord Loudoun, one addressed to himself, dated 17th, and one
to Sir Harry Innes, dated the 18th December.
Vol. ii. of this
work, pp. 197, 200. Both of these letters were complimentary, approving
of Mr. Grant's march, and of the service thereby done, but as they gave
Mr. Grant no reason to believe that the recall expressed in the former letters
revoked, and as the number of the rebels at Aberdeen was not so great as to
render the assistance of his clan absolutely necessary, he dispersed his men.
MS. narrative by Sir Archibald Grant.
When he reached Castle Grant he received a letter from his bailie at Urquhart
informing him that it was impossible any longer to restrain the people of
that district from joining the Highland army, and that disputes had arisen
between the bailie and them on the subject. This letter no doubt caused much
annoyance to Mr. Grant, but it does not appear that lie took any action upon
it. His attention was suddenly engaged by a matter of more serious importance,
and which might have had disastrous consequences, had the rebels been in greater
force or more united in their counsels.
[424] After his return to Castle Grant
on the 24th December 1745, Mr. Grant wrote to Lord Loudoun, informing him
that he had left a party of sixty men near Keith to prevent the rebels from
returning to that neighbourhood, and that there was a report that the rebels
were to make a stand at Aberdeen, which made him regret he did not go forward.
He again pressed the opinion he had held all along, that all the forces which
Could be got together should be employed to drive the rebels from that district.
He begged also for arms, and desired Lord Loudoun to communicate any commands
to Sir Archibald Grant, who was the bearer of the letter.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 202.
That letter was just despatched, when tidings came of the defeat of Macleod's
force at Inverurie. The news was communicated by William Grant, younger of
Burnside, who was in command of the small party SO prudently and fortunately
detached by Mr. Grant to watch the movements of the rebels. To facilitate
the retreat of Macleod's men, Mr. Grant at once instructed Burnside to
secure the passage of the Spey at the Boat of Bridge, and, if possible, to
inform Macleod that the ford was safe. He also proposed that the officers
and men of the party should take the boats to the Moray or west side of the
Spey, and remain there, if practicable, till further orders, but to retire
if any strong party of rebels advanced on them.
Ibid. p. 203.
Mr. Grant received from various sources confirmation of the defeat at Inverurie.
It would appear that owing to imperfect information of the movements of the
rebels, Macleod and his men were on the evening of' the 23d December surprised
in their quarters by Lord Lewis Gordon and a considerable force. It was estimated
that Lord Lewis had seven or eight hundred men, while, owing to the suddenness
of the attack, and the wide area over which the Macleods were billeted, only
two hundred and fifty of the latter could be got together. The Macleods accordingly
soon gave way, and their baggage, money, etc., with several of themselves,
fell into the hands of the rebels, though the latter had the greater number
killed.
Ibid. pp. 204-206. The Macleods were deficient
in broadswords. Much regret was expressed, when too late, that Mr. Grant had
not been permitted to march with Macleod's party, as at first proposed,
and Sir Harry Innes informed
[425]
Mr. Grant that Lord Lewis Gordon had only determined on the attack when he
knew that the Grants had been withdrawn.
Through the prompt measures taken by Mr. Grant, Macleod and his officers crossed
the Spey in safety on the evening of the 24th, and for greater security against
surprise, Mr. Grant instructed his officers to remain on
Spey side, and take care of the boats.
Vol. ii. of this work,
p. 207.
In anxious letters from Sir Harry Innes and the Magistrates of Elgin, dated
28th December, Mr. Grant was requested to march his clan to their neighbourhood
for their protection, but in face of what had already passed, he did not feel
justified in doing so. The Magistrates complained that Macleod was marching
away from their town towards Inverness, leaving them exposed to the oppression
of the rebels, and that unless they received protection from Mr. Grant, they
and the principal inhabitants would require to remove with their effects to
some place of safety, especially as five hundred rebels at Strathbogie, uttering
threats of heavy vengeance, were ready to commence an attack. Sir Harry Innes
wrote in support of this appeal.
Copies of letters in Appendix
to MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant. In his reply to the Magistrates on
the 29th, Mr. Grant assured them of his inclination to serve them, and narrated
the circumstances of his former march, which was intended to protect their
town and neighbourhood, and the discouragement he had from those in authority.
He, however, was of opinion that the people of Elgin had no cause to be alarmed
unless a much larger body of the rebels came from Aberdeen to join those at
Strathbogie, as the latter would never venture to cross the Spey when Mr.
Grant was above them and Lord Loudoun so near them. He anticipated that though
the Macleods had marched to Inverness, Lord Loudoun would send sufficient
force against the rebels at Strathbogie. With respect to himself, Mr. Grant
adds, "In the situation I am at present, I am uncertain whether I am
to be attacked from Perth, or by those at Aberdeen and Strathbogie for my
late march. I dare not promise to march with any body of men but in concert
and with Lord Loudoun's directions, and, at the same time, I have demanded
to be assisted with arms and encouraged to keep my men in the proper way."
Letter in MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant.
[426] In this last sentence Mr. Grant
referred to his letter to Lord Loudoun of the 24th December 1745, conveyed
to Inverness by Sir Archibald Grant, to which no reply had yet been received.
A day or two afterwards, however, Sir Archibald Grant returned from Inverness
bearing a letter from Lord Loudoun, dated the 30th of that month, expressing
regret for detaining Sir Archibald, and stating that he was unable as yet
to decide on any plan of operation, but would acquaint Mr. Grant if he found
it necessary to undertake anything of importance.
Vol. ii.
of this work, p. 208. Sir Archibald Grant's account of his reception
at Inverness, and the cause of delay, was not altogether satisfactory. On
his arrival there on 25th December, he waited on Lord Loudoun and the President,
both of whom acknowledged Mr. Grant's good service, but regretted the
deficiency of arms and money and power for employing the king's friends,
though they daily hoped for a supply of all. They alleged also that it was
necessary to see some consequences of the skirmish at Inverurie before new
measures were resolved on. Lord Loudoun, however, desired Sir Archibald to
remain one day longer in Inverness to give time to consider Mr. Grant's
proposition. To this delay Sir Archibald consented, seeing the amount of business
which occupied Lord Loudoun, and rendered full discussion of matters difficult.
Consideration of the subject was deferred from day to day, until, on 29th
December, Sir Archibald Grant wrote a remonstrance to Lord Loudoun, and begged
for his own dismissal, with some answer to Mr. Grant. He expressed sympathy
with the difficult situation in which Lord Loudoun was placed, but could not
see any good to be gained by delay. Lord Loudoun then wrote the answer communicated
to Mr. Grant, as above. From it and Sir Archibald's report, Mr. Grant
entertained the hope that the town of Elgin and neighbourhood would be effectually
protected, but did not think he was at liberty to take any further steps without
authority from Lord Loudoun.
MS. narrative by Sir Archibald
Grant.
Mr. Grant's opinion as to the conduct of the rebels was happily confirmed
by intelligence received on the 2d of January 1746, that the party at Strathbogie
had on the preceding day suddenly marched off to Aberdeen. Mr. Grant at once
transmitted the letter containing this
[427]
information to Lord Loudoun, with renewed assurances of his readiness to act
in the service of the Government, and suggesting that among other advantages
to be gained by this movement of the rebels, opportunity might be taken to
hem them in more closely than before.
Vol. ii. of this work,
p. 209. Lord Loudoun replied that he thought it would be necessary, before
arranging any plan of operations, to learn what was being done in the south,
that there might be proper co-operation.
Ibid. p. 210.
Mr. Grant also at this time received a short letter from Macleod at Forres,
expressing obligation for the concern Mr. Grant had shown on behalf of him
and his men.
Renewed attempts to tamper with the allegiance of Mr. Grant's tenants
in Urquhart caused Mr. Grant to write urgently to Lord Loudoun a few days
later, the letter being conveyed by his Chamberlain. After stating the uneasiness
he had regarding affairs in Urquhart, notwithstanding all his endeavours to
prevent the tenants there joining the rebels, and also explaining why he sent
his Chamberlain in person to Lord Loudoun, and referring to some items of
news, Mr. Grant proceeded thus:
"I think it my duty to take notice to your Lordship that the rebels are
exerting themselves in every corner of the north to encrease their army. I
therefore think it absolutely necessary that all the friends of the Government
should use their outmost efforts to disconcert and disperse them. I had a
meeting yesterday with all the gentlemen of this country, and I can assure
your Lordship we wait only your orders and directions, and there is nothing
in our power but we will do upon this important occasion for the service of
our King and country. I wish it was possible to assist us with some arms,
and money to be sure also would be necessary, but give me leave to assure
your Lordship that the last farthing I or any of my friends have, or what
our credite can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our men upon
any expedition your Lordship shall direct us to undertake for this glorious
cause we are engaged in. I wish to God your Lordship and the Lord President
would think of some measure of conveening the whole body of the King's
friends in the north together and I would gladly hope we would form such a
body as would in a great measure disconcert and strike a damp upon the army
of the
[428] rebels in the south, and
effectually put a stop to any further junctions they may expect benorth Stirling,
and at the same time surely we might pre vent their being masters of so much
of this north coast, and also hinder many of the King's subjects from
being oppressed by the exorbitant sums of money the rebels are presently levying
from them."
Copy letter, dated 9th January 1746, in MS.
narratives by Sir Archibald Grant and Lachlan Grant.
In reference to the first part of this letter, Mr. Grant shortly after had
the satisfaction of knowing that his own instructions to his Chamberlain sufficed
to keep the people in Urquhart to their duty, without any aid from the King's
troops, which was very readily offered by Lord Loudoun, and also without marching
men from Strathspey to compel them, which Mr. Grant had determined on, rather
than permit any of his tenants to join the rebellion.
Mr. Grant wrote also on the 13th January giving later intelligence of the
grievances inflicted by the rebels remaining in Aberdeenshire. Lord Loudoun
replied to both letters at once, on the 16th January, approving of Mr. Grant's
scheme for relieving the low country, hut declining to under take the matter
until he received further instructions and more certain knowledge of the motions
of the rebels, as he was afraid of the latter gaining possession of the forts.
Lord Loudoun promised that as soon as instructions arrived, he would communicate
with Mr. Grant, and consult as to time most effectual way of serving the Government.
MS. narratives by Sir Archibald Grant and Lachlan Grant.
Thus Mr. Grant's efforts to strengthen the hands of the Government were
once more brought to a check, and he felt that nothing remained to be done
by himself or his friends, unless some special occasion arose, but to encourage
and confirm the well affected, and enlighten and inform the disaffected, whether
actually concerned in the rebellion or not. This was done by publishing true
narratives of the state of affairs, of which the country was extremely ignorant,
and confuting the falsehoods which were industriously propagated. Mr. Grant
and his friends also circulated papers adapted to the circumstances and genius
of the people and country, containing clear and plain reasonings against the
mistaken principles of politics and religion which misled and deluded them.
At this time also frightful
[429] accounts
were given both in the public prints and private letters of a threatened invasion
by foreign troops, and these reports were used by agents of the rebels to
intimidate the King's friends. Mr. Grant and his friends therefore agreed
that Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk should write to the Lord President proposing
to him and Lord Loudoun to associate the loyal clans in the north, in a solemn
manner, by an address to the King, which should express their loyalty and
bind them to service.
MS narrative by Sir Archibald Grant.
A letter was accordingly drawn up on the 21st January 1746, and sent
to the President, but there is no evidence that any special notice was taken
of it or the sentiments it contained.
For some weeks after this, no events of any special interest took place in
the north. Mr. Grant received from time to time intelligence of the military
movements in the south, among others of the defeat sustained by the Royal
troops at Falkirk.
Vol. ii. of this work, p. 214. It would
appear that by this time Mr. Grant was becoming pressed for money, owing to
the non-payment of rent by the tenantry during the disturbed state of the
country. Mr. Grant, writing to his father, Sir James, on 14th January, thus
informs him of this fact
"Since you left this countrie, I have not seen one farthing from Urquhart;
the people there won't pay. I have gott non from Mulben, and not above
fiftie pound from the Chamberlane of Strathspey, and I assure you I see noe
prospect of anie. This being the plain case, you may judge what situation
we will soon be in if the Government don't releive us. . . . I assure
you I don't see what way we can expect monie soon from the tenants, as
they have had noe mercatts this year, and as all their neighbours, or most
of them, have entered into rebellion."
Ibid. p. 213.
Three weeks later, Lord Loudoun wrote to Mr. Grant that the rebel army had
abandoned the siege of Stirling Castle, and had begun their march north ward.
Lord Loudoun begged that Mr. Grant would send out some men to gain intelligence
of the movements of the insurgents, part of whom were said to be marching
towards that neighbourhood. His Lordship hoped also that Mr. Grant would have
his people ready, so that he and Mr. Grant might act together and support
each other.
Letter dated 7th February 1746, ibid. p. 224.
Mr. Grant again gathered his
[430]
men to the number of about six hundred, and disposed them in the best manner
for gaining intelligence of the rebels and their movements. He communicated
various items of news to Lord Loudoun almost daily, and made urgent requests
for arms, with which he assured Lord Loudoun his men were very ill-provided,
most of their weapons being very bad, and some being armed only with corn-forks,
etc. Mr. Grant admitted that it was commonly reported that his people were
well armed, a belief he had encouraged as contributing to their safety from
attack, but that the reverse was really the fact, and lie begged to be supplied
with at least 400 guns and flints.
Vol. ii. of this work, p.
230 it was Mr. Grant's hope that with a good supply of weapons his
men would be in better spirits, and be more willing to serve his purpose,
either to co-operate with Lord Loudoun, or, failing that, if the rebels should
prove too strong for his own party, to retire in a body and prevent as far
as possible the destruction of the country or forcing of recruits by the insurgents.
Intelligence of the rebel movements continued to be sent by Mr. Grant to Lord
Loudoun regularly until the 15th of February 1746, when he had a letter from
his Lordship, thanking him for his news. Lord Loudoun wrote also that he expected
large reinforcements, and that if the rebels did come to Inverness, he hoped
to give them a warm reception. He was unable to send a detachment with arms
for the men under Mr. Grant, but if the latter would send down three hundred
men, they would be provided as well as possible.
Ibid. p. 234.
This was the last letter Mr. Grant had from Lord Loudoun while the latter
was at Inverness. On the 16th February Lord Loudoun, learning that Prince
Charles Edward was to pass the night at Moy Castle, near Inverness, marched
a party to surprise and capture the Prince, but this attempt was foiled by
the precautions taken, and ended in the ludicrous failure known as the "Rout
of Moy." Prince Charles with his force then advanced to Inverness, from
which Lord Loudoun and the Lord President retreated, leaving the independent
company of Grants, and one company of Macleods, with eighty regular soldiers,
to defend Fort George, of which, however, the rebels gained possession after
a siege of two days.
Browne's History of the Highlands,
vol. iii. pp. 210, 211.
[431] Sir James Grant had in the meantime
been in communication with the authorities in London and elsewhere, and on
the 15th February Mr. Grant was gratified by receiving from the Duke of Cumberland,
who had now assumed command of the troops in Scotland, instructions to raise
his clan in arms for the King, and to furnish all intelligence in his power
of the movements of the insurgents. He replied in a letter to Sir Everard
Falkener, sending information he had obtained, and stating that, if he had
a proper supply of weapons, he could furnish five or six hundred men in addition
to those then under arms. In the information forwarded to the Duke, Mr. Grant
stated that it was not yet certain that the rebels would attack the Grants,
but such dispositions for defence had been made as the bad arms they possessed
would permit. He had also received threatening orders, issued by the rebels
for taxes and men, some of which were directed specially against the Grants
for appearing in arms against the Prince, but these had no effect in altering
the conduct of Mr. Grant or his clan towards the Government.
Vol.
ii. of this work, pp. 235, 236.
In the expectation that the Duke of Cumberland would press on in pursuit of
the Highland army, Mr. Grant kept his men together until the 23d of February.
On that date he received a letter from Murray of Broughton, secretary to the
Prince, reproaching him for assisting the Government (which the rebels had
learned through intercepted letters), and ordering Mr. Grant to send in all
the arms in the country, with six gentlemen as hostages for the good behaviour
of the clan. Mr. Grant, thereupon mustered all his men at Castle Grant. He
had intelligence that the Macphersons and others were in Badenoch, that Gordon
of Glenbucket, with three hundred men, was in Strathavon and Glenlivet, and
that other parties of rebels were marching towards Strathspey by the lower
district. He was also informed that the Duke of Cumberland was still at Perth.
In these circumstances Mr. Grant felt that he was not able alone to oppose
the rebel forces, and, as Castle Grant would not stand a siege, he deter mined
to force his way through Strathavon, and join the royal army at Perth. Mr.
Grant, therefore, with his wife and daughter, accompanied by Lord and Lady
Findlater, and about four hundred men, left Castle
[432]
Grant on the 24th February, while the rest of the clan were instructed to
defend the house and neighbourhood as well as they could.
MS.
narrative by Lachlan Grant; vol. ii. of this work, p. 241.
As Mr. Grant with his party advanced through Strathavon, Gordon of Glenbucket
retired, and the latter having set at liberty an intercepted messenger from
Lord Justice-Clerk Milton, this man came to Mr. Grant and informed him that
the Duke of Cumberland was at Aberdeen. This intelligence so far changed Mr.
Grant's plans, that, on his arrival at Newe, out of danger of any large
body of rebels, he sent back the greater part of his men to take care of their
houses and goods, retaining only about one hundred and fifty as an escort
for himself and family to Aberdeen, which lie reached on the 1st of March.
There he awaited the Duke's orders. During his stay at Aberdeen, Mr. Grant
contrived to forward some money to his father Sir James, as the latter was
greatly in need of funds, but in the state of the country it was almost impossible
to obtain payment of money.
Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 241,
242.
On the 9th of March Mr. Grant was ordered to proceed to Inverurie. whither
his men had gone, and from there to march slowly towards Strathspey, to act
as an advance guard for the royal troops in their march towards Strathbogie.
He was also to furnish, if possible, daily information of the number and position
of the rebels. On the 10th, Mr. Grant received intimation of an intended march
of the troops, but so much snow fell on the 9th and 10th that the military
movements were delayed, and Mr. Grant, instead of advancing, was ordered to
remain at Inverurie. He found that about three hundred rebels under Gordon
of Glenbucket were still hovering round Strathavon, and that a larger party
lay between Strathbogie and Keith. A considerable body of their troops also
were quartered round Fochabers and on Spey-side.
Ibid. p. 246.
Mr. Grant sent regular information of such matters to head-quarters, much
to the satisfaction of the Duke of Cumberland.
Ibid. p. 248.
Several regiments marched from Aberdeen on the 12th, and took possession of
Inverurie and other places near it, Mr. Grant and his party advancing towards
Strathbogie. On or about the 16th Mr. Grant took
[433]
possession of Forbes Castle.
Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 248,
249. This was fortunate for himself, as the rebels, knowing that he had
only a small force (about one hundred and forty men), sent out a party to
intercept him, but as the place was strong, and the rebels had no artillery,
their expedition failed.
Browne's History of the Highlands,
vol. iii. v. 219. The rebels themselves were nearly surprised at Strathbogie,
from which they were compelled precipitately to retire, by the troops under
General Bland, who followed very close on Mr. Grant's party, and had been
ordered to attack them.
Another party of the rebels, under Lord George Murray and Lord Nairn, accompanied
with two 9-pounders, marched into Strathspey, and on the 14th March, went
to Castle Grant, threatening to batter down the house if resistance was offered.
Seeing the cannon, the garrison surrendered and opened the gates, and Lord
Nairn took possession, while Lord George Murray marched towards Athole to
besiege Blair Castle. On learning of the retreat from Strathbogie, Lord Nairn
and his party quickly evacuated Castle Grant. In the meantime Mr. Grant and
his men marched from Castle Forbes to Balvany, where they meant to quarter
in the old castle, but finding it in a ruinous condition, they occupied the
new building. Here they were alarmed at midnight by intelligence that a party
of the rebels were within an hour's march, which occasioned their departure
to Ballindalloch, hut they were prevented from reaching Castle Grant by the
presence of several parties of the rebels in the neighbourhood. After waiting
three clays at Ballindalloch, Mr. Grant's party returned to Strath bogie,
where they determined to remain until the Duke's army advanced.
Vol.
ii. of this work, p. 253.
Soon after leaving Aberdeen, Mr. Grant, to his great regret, received intelligence
that some gentlemen of his clan had signed what they called treaty of neutrality
with the rebels. It would appear that a few days after Mr. Grant left Castle
Grant, two of these gentlemen, Grant of Rothiemurchus and Grant of Dellachaple,
had gone to Inverness to contrive the escape of their sons, who had been taken
prisoners, and had prevailed upon Grant of Tullochgorm to accompany them.
While at Inverness, they were seized by the rebels, and detained as hostages
for the good behaviour of their friends in Strathspey. A day or two after
they were apprehended,
[434] these
gentlemen signed a treaty, and engaged to get two others to join them, upon
condition that their sons were released, and that they them selves were exempted
from money levies for the Prince.
Vol. ii. of this work, p.
253. The alleged defence of those gentlemen was, that finding their country
threatened to be burnt, and no prospect of immediate relief, they considered
the most prudent means of averting ruin was to treat with the rebels and so
gain time until the royal army should come up. They therefore sent three of
their number to Inverness as deputies, who, on their arrival, were forthwith
made prisoners, the rebels insisting that other two gentlemen should come
before concluding any treaty. They thereby got the matter delayed for several
days, after which a written paper was presented to the prisoners for their
signatures, in which they were made to promise that neither they nor their
dependants would take up arms against the rebels. This they all absolutely
refused to sign; but being threatened with imprisonment in dungeons, and Lord
George Murray being ordered to Strathspey, with two thousand men and some
cannon, to destroy the country, their resolution gave way, and they signed
the treaty, believing, however, while doing so, that, in strict honour, they
could not be bound to perform a promise extorted from them in such circumstances.
MS. narrative by Lachlan Grant.
Notwithstanding these excuses, Mr. Grant considered the signing of such a
document a deep insult to himself and the other gentlemen of his clan, and
expressed great indignation. He communicated the facts of the case and all
the papers to the Duke of Cumberland, who replied through Lord Findlater,
animadverting strongly on the folly of those who, in the face of Mr. Grant's
promise to compensate their losses, had thus committed high treason by treating
with the rebels. The Duke also declared that he and those under him would
use as rebels all those gentlemen who chose to treat with the insurgents and
refused to obey Mr. Grant in serving king and country. Lord Findlater hoped
this, and other inducements, would tend to keep the clan loyal, and that they
would wipe off the disgrace put upon their name.
Letter, the
Earl of Findlater to Mr. Grant, at Castle Grant. Before passing from this;
it may be stated that some time before the royal army crossed the Spey, three
of the gentlemen implicated in the
[435]
treaty were allowed to return home, and when Mr. Grant, shortly before the
battle of Culloden, came to Castle Grant, these three joined him and were
very active in mustering the clan.
MS. narrative by Lachlan
Grant.
Mr. Grant and the men under him remained at Strathbogie until about the 10th
of April, and joined the Duke's army at Cullen next day. His party then
proceeded to Elgin, while he himself resolved to return home and raise the
rest of his clan to join the royal forces. He sent forward a party under Alexander
Grant of Dalrachnie, who reported that the country round Castle Grant was
free from the insurgents. Letters were also sent to the gentlemen of the district
to meet Mr. Grant on the 15th and gather their men for the 16th April.
Letter
from Alexander Grant, at Castle Grant.
As the battle of Culloden took place on that date, and Mr. Grant's clan
did not reach the Duke of Cumberland's head-quarters at Inverness until
after the 20th April, they had no share in the victory of the King's troops.
On their way to Inverness they captured a number of prisoners, among whom
were the brave Lord Balmerino, who, it is said, delivered himself up on the
advice of Mr. Grant, younger of Rothiemurchus,
Vol. ii. of
this work, p. 259. Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 274.
and also Major Glasgow, an Irish officer in the service of France, with whom
they marched towards Strathnairn. Mr. Grant himself went to Inverness, and
received instructions to deliver up his prisoners to a party of dragoons,
whom he was personally to conduct for this purpose to the Water of Nairn.
Life of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, by A. Campbell
Maclachlan, p. 295. He was then to make a search for rebels and arms in
Strathnairn and the Mackintosh country, and destroy their ploughs and other
implements of husbandry. To do this he divided his men into several parties,
each of' which explored a large tract of country, but with little success.
The Grants were afterwards ordered to the north of Inverness, and thence to
the Aird, the country of the Frasers, where several prisoners were taken,
and a number of people who had been forced into the rebellion were prevailed
upon to surrender at discretion, and marched under a strong guard to Moy,
whither, on April 24th, a detachment was sent by the Duke to receive the Laird's
spoils of war.
ibid. pp. 301, 302.
[436] By this time, however, Lord Loudoun
had returned from the West with the independent companies under his command,
and as General Campbell had a number more, the Duke of Cumberland, in view,
also, of the scarcity of provisions, considered that there was no further
occasion for the militia. He accordingly disbanded them, the Strathspey men
among others, their arms, whether furnished by the Government or taken from
the rebels, being delivered up. The Duke expressed himself satisfied with
the appearance that the clan had made, and required Mr. Grant to re-establish
the original independent company, which was done.
After the disbanding of his men, Mr. Grant proceeded to London,
Vol.
ii. of this work, pp. 262, 264. to resume his Parliamentary duties as
member for Morayshire, and probably also, in concert with his father, Sir
James, to press upon the King's attention the great expenses which the
family had incurred on behalf of the Government. This was the more necessary,
as no rent had been paid during the time the rebels were active, and Mr. Grant
had been specially recommended to apply to the King in person.
Ibid.
p. 261.
While in London Mr. Grant frequently received intelligence of the disorganised
state of the country. He had also reflections cast upon his own conduct by
the friends of Grant of Sheuglie, a gentleman in Urquhart, and one of the
early correspondents of Prince Charles Edward, who had been made prisoner
at Inverness. In a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, then secretary of state,
Mr. Grant related the circumstances of the case, and showed how Sheuglie had
exerted himself in stirring up his neighbours and tenants to rebellion, notwithstanding
his own efforts to the contrary. Mr. Grant also besought his Grace to interest
himself on behalf of a number of men from Glenmoriston and Urquhart, who had
been induced by Mr. Grant's representations to surrender at discretion.
He pleaded that many of them had deserted from the rebels, and had no wish
to continue in rebellion; that they were the first who surrendered, without
making terms, and that others who had surrendered since had been allowed to
live in their own neighbourhood.
Ibid. pp. 265, 267. Mr.
Grant's anxiety for his clansmen arose from the fact that through some
misunderstanding they had been treated not as persons who had surrendered,
but as prisoners of war, and had been
[437]
placed among those confined on board the King's ships, where they endured
great suffering, and who were afterwards transferred to Tilbury Fort. It does
not appear, however, that Mr. Grant's appeal had any effect upon the rigorous
dealing of the Government with these unfortunate men.
The Chiefs
of Colquhoun, by William Fraser, vol. i. p. 341.
On the death of his father, which took place on 16th January 1747, Mr. Grant
succeeded to the estates of Grant, and became Sir Ludovick Grant of Grant,
Baronet, as the eldest surviving heir-male of the body of his father, to whom
the Baronetcy was limited by the regrant made by Queen Anne. Sir Ludovick
continued his duties as a member of Parliament, and as such was appealed to
for his interest on behalf of more than one Jacobite prisoner, especially
the Master of Lovat and Macdonell of Glengarry.
vol. ii. of
this work, p. 268.
Sir Ludovick also took a deep interest in anything that affected his name
or family. When John Grant, Baron Elchies, decided to sell the estate of Easter
Elchies, Sir Ludovick was anxious to purchase it, that it might still belong
to a Grant.
Ibid. p. 269. Although at the time he was disappointed,
as the estate was sold to the Earl of Findlater, Easter Elchies reverted to
the family of Grant, on the succession of Sir Ludovick's grandson to the
titles and estates of Seafield in the year 1811.
Having fallen into a weak state of health, Sir Ludovick resigned his seat
in Parliament in 17 61,
Ibid. p. 270 and was succeeded
in the representation of Morayshire by his son James. After his retirement
from Parliament, Sir Ludovick lived for twelve years. He died at Castle Grant,
18th March 1773, after an illness of eight days, and was interred in the family
burial aisle at Duthil parish church.
He was much lamented, and feeling tributes to his memory were made, both in
prose and verse, in contemporary journals. The following lines appear deserving
of a place in this memoir of the Chieftain
Like shadowy forms that flee the solar ray,
On Time's swift pinions, mankind soon decay,
Unmark'd the place where erst they flaunting play'd
Along the plain or darken'd in the glade.
But while the mean thus share a vulgar fate,
Must dull oblivion shroud in night the great'? [438]
Must those bright souls, who living glorious shone,
Fall unlamented and to fame unknown?
Involv'd in darkness, circumscrib'd their lot,
Must all their virtues sleep in dust forgot ?
They must not: fragrant as the gales that blow
From vernal flowers, beyond the tomb they glow;
Impartial time its plausive voice shall raise,
And deck their virtues with unenvy'd praise.
Thee too lov'd chieftain shall await that meed,
These grateful honours that embalm the dead
Grav'd on the heart thy virtues long shall live,
Thro' years and ages undecay'd survive.
For thine each winning, each endearing art
That or attracted or engag'd the heart.
Charm'd sense of pain could anxious thought beguile
Bid festive mirth and pleasure round thee smile;
Bid rising comfort glad the pensive brow;
And joy illume the languid face of woe.
How didst thou shine, view'd in that milder light
Where no false glare deceives the dazzl'd sight,
But where unveil'd the native soul appears,
And every feature bright or gloomy wears!
There thou wert all that cheers or softens life;
The fondest husband of the loveliest wife;
The tend'rest parent, past a parent's name,
Whose breast e'er kindled with that sacred flame;
The kindest master and the friend most true,
By time unmov'd, chang'd by no partial view;
The frankest landlord, gave the gen'rous bowl,
The best companion breath'd a social soul.
Nor here alone beam'd thy diffusive mind,
But, raying wide, embrac'd the hunian kind;
For other's bliss that joying learn'd to glow,
For other's sorrows bade the tear to flow.
Cheer'd from thy table, from thy lib'ral door,
Rejoicing hie'd the stranger and the poor:
Oft were they heard along the road prefer,
With grateful hearts for thee the ardent prayer,
That on thine house heaven's blessings might descend,
And guardian angels still thy race attend.
Let others boast assume the borrow'd name
Here rest nor feel the energetic flame; [439]
But thine was Virtue's sacred power confest,
The active flame that kindles in the breast;
Above th' applause paid by the giddy crowd,
Content in secret to be truly good.
Benign, in death, the heav'nly form was seen;
Light the fix'd eye-ball and serene the mien;
Faith, Love, and Hope, that in her train attend,
There beam'd expressive, and their smiles did blend;
Bless'd harbingers of that eternal day,
That now is thine secur'd beyond decay.
Strathspey. J. G. Scots Magazine, vol. xxxv. p. 154. Hon. Mr.
Colquhoun of Luss, dated 7th December
By his first marriage with Marion Dalrymple, Sir Ludovick had a daughter,
Anne, who died unmarried in December 1748, at the age of nineteen years, and
another child who died in infancy. Account of funeral charges
for a child of the 1733. at Castle Grant.
On the occasion of Sir Ludovick's marriage with Lady Margaret Ogilvie,
the celebrated Lord Lovat wrote more than one of his characteristic letters.
In the first, dated 31st October 1735, and addressed to the bridegroom himself,
Lord Lovat expresses the "reall joy" which the news of the marriage
gave to him. He speaks of Lady Margaret as "a lady not only beautiful!
in her person, but much more by the singular character she has of good sense
and understanding, and of a sweet and angelick temper." He prays that
the heirs of the marriage may be "great, numerous, and flourishing,"
and that they may reign in Strathspey and other territories "as long
as there is a stone subsisting in Castle Grant, or a drop of water in the
river of Spey." He regrets his own inability to be present at Castle
Grant, pleading that the wheels of his chariot are broken, and the new set
not yet arrived from Edinburgh, while to ride would endanger his "health
and life, that I am fully resolved to employ to serve your person and family
as long as there is breath in me." But failing his personal presence
on the occasion, he says, "I will solemnise in the most conspicuous and
best manner I can. I will have all my friends here to-day to dine and sup
with me, and in the evening I will have a bonefire on the Castlehill, where
I will drink with my friends 'health and prosperity to the bridegroom
and bride, 1 under the discharge of some plattoons; and [440]
I have sent my officers through all the parishes this side of Lochness of
the lordship of Lovat, to order every tennent to make a bonefire in the most
conspicuous place about his house this evening, at the same time that my bonefire
is to he put on, so that all the Aird, and the barrony of Beaulie, will be
better illuminate this night than the city of London was last night for King
George's birthday. I wrote to John Grant to Urquhart that he may have
his bonefires this night, and I have writt to Stratherrick and Abertarf that
they may have their bonefires on Munday at the same time with Glenmoristone,
so that in five or six days there will be six countrys illuminated of above
a hundred miles circumference with bonefires, and since the memor of man there
has not been such a joyfull and publick solemnisation of any marriage in the
Highlands of Scotland." Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 335-337.
The next day, 1st November 1735, Lord Lovat wrote to Sir James Grant giving
a graphic narrative of how he carried out his part of the rejoicings. He says,
"I got here last night my best friends of the Aird arid Stratherick,
and put on a very great bonefire on the Castle hill, and there drank heartily
to the bridegroom and bride, and your health and my Lord Findlater's,
and, in short, to all the healths that we could think of that concerned the
family of Grant, and than had a ball, and concluded with roost of the gentlemen's
being dead drunk. We fired a random platoon at every health was drank at the
bonefire, where I stood an hour and a half, and drank my bottle without watter,
and while my bonefire was burning." In another letter he says that above
twenty platoons were fired, and that he drank a bottle of wine for his own
share. He also, in referring to the bonfires, says, "I had at once in
this country above 200 bonefires, which made as prety a figure as ever I saw
of fireworks," and piously adds, "After our earthly rejoiceings
we should all thank heavens for this happy event." Ibid.
pp. 337, 338.
The only son of this marriage was James, who was born on 19th May 1738. He
succeeded his father in the title and estates of Grant. A memoir of him is
given in the next chapter.
The daughters of the second marriage were :-
1. Mariana., who died unmarried 28th March 1807.
2. Anna-Hope, who married. 3d April 1781, the very Rev. Robert [441]
Darly Waddilove, D.D., Dean of Ripon, and died in 1797, leaving issue.
3. Penuel, who married, on 6th January 1776, Henry Mackenzie of the Exchequer
in Scotland, author of the "Man of Feeling," and other popular works,
and had issue. One of their sons became a Lord of Session under the title
of Lord Mackenzie.
4. Mary, who died unmarried, on 12th December 1784.
5. Helen, who married, on 9th September 1773, Sir Alexander-Penrose Cumming
Gordon of Altyre and Gordonstoun, Baronet. When this match was announced to
Mrs. Penuel Grant of Ballindalloch, the aunt of Helen Grant, she wrote to
Penuel Grant, sister of Helen, on 31st August 1773: "I have not for a
great while heard anything which gave me such joy, and it makes me particularly
happy to hear he is a young man much to her brother's mind, which circumstance
weights like heavy gold with me for hopes of success and good luck in every
part in the intended match." 1. Original Letter at Castle
Grant. Lady Cumming died 1st January 1832, leaving issue.
6. Margaret, born in 1753. Died unmarried.
7. Elizabeth, who died unmarried on 27th March 1804.