Urquhart and Glenmoriston
Olden Times in a Highland Parish

[191]            

The Laird of Grant’s Chamberlain Killed by Mackay of Achmonie — Mackay forced to Surrender Achmonie to the Laird — Fatal Fight in Slochd-Muic — Achmonie conferred on William Grant — Restored to the Mackays — Thomas Grant of Balmacaan — Culduthel’s Raid on Borlum — The Castle Repaired — The Monmouth Rebellion — Unsettled State of the Country — The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston support King James — The Revolution — The Laird of Grant supports William and Mary — The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston adhere to James — Dundee’s Campaign — The Camerons’ Raid on Urquhart — Quarrels in Dundee’s Camp — Killicrankie — Adventures of Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston in the Battle — Iain a’ Chragain’s Troubles — Invermoriston House Burnt, and Glenmoriston Devastated — A Whig Garrison in Urquhart Castle — The Castle Besieged by the Jacobites — Supplies for the Garrison — The Haughs of Cromdale — Close of the War

About the year 1670 an event occurred in Glen Urquhart which added a chapter to the story of our Parish, and involved the family of Achmonie in much trouble. The Laird of Grant’s chamberlain — a man of the name of Grant, who resided in Strathspey — appointed the mod, or rent-collection court, to be held on a certain day at Kil St Ninian, or Temple House. The chamberlain did not appear at the appointed time, and while the people waited for him they drank freely at the expense of the gentlemen [192] of the Glen, among whom Gillies Mackay of Achmonie was prominent; and when Grant arrived he found them excited and quarrelsome. The mod was, however, proceeded with, and closed; and thereafter the gentry and tenantry were entertained in the usual manner in the grange barn see footnote, p. 114 supra.All sat late and drank heavily, and as the hours passed the disposition to quarrel increased — the Grants and such as were not of that name taking opposite sides in the disputes, as was their wont. An insulting epithet which the chamberlain applied to the men of Urquhart brought the tumult to its height. Every man started to his feet, and drew his dirk. In an instant the torches which served to light the barn were extinguished; and high above the shouts that followed was heard the death-cry of the chamberlain, who had been stabbed to the heart.

By whom the fatal thrust was given no one could tell, but next morning Achmonie’s dirk was found red with blood. Time passed, however, and no step was taken to bring home the crime to him, or to subject him to the punishment for which it called. But, after the lapse of many months, the Laird of Grant invited him, as he had often done before, to a hunt in Strathspey. The invitation was accepted, and Mackay and a few attendants journeyed to Castle Grant. They were hospitably entertained the first day; but, early on the second, Achmonie’s room was entered by an armed band, headed by the Laird, who informed him of his   [193] knowledge of his guilt, and intimated that he must yield his lands or his life. The Laird meant what he said, and Mackay was compelled to surrender the estate — on the understanding that it should be restored to him as vassal of the Laird.

No sooner was the business arranged than the Laird’s illegitimate son, whose mother had become the wife of the unfortunate chamberlain, entered the room in which the Laird and Mackay were, and demanded: “Ciod tha mise dol a dh’ fhaighinn airson eirig mo bhobug?” – “What am I to receive as my stepfather’s eric?” Eric: compensation for death or injury.The Laird bade the young man hold his peace; but he was not thus to be put off. As Achmonie and his men passed homeward through the gorge of Slochd-Muic he suddenly fell upon them with a number of the factor’s relatives and friends. Several were killed on both sides; and of the Urquhart men Achmonie and one other only escaped.

The surrendered lands were conferred by the Laird on William Grant, of the family of Glenmoriston, whom we find in possession of them in 1677, and as late as 1691. Gillies Mackay did not live to see the promised restoration; but the promise was fulfilled on 24th May, 1721, when his son John obtained from Sir James Grant a feu-disposition of the estate, which was thereafter held of the Laird of Grant, instead of under the Bishops or the Crown, as in the past, disposition at Castle Grant.

[194] Notwithstanding the ungenerous treatment that Lady Ogilvy had received in Glen-Urquhart, two of her Sons, when they grew up to man’s estate, elected to settle there, among the scenes of their childhood. Patrick, who commanded the Grant Regiment at the battle of Worcester, possessed Clunemore and Clunebeg, while his brother Thomas — the Tomas Dubh of his own time — held Balmacaan, where his portrait is still preserved, and succeeded the slain factor as chamberlain of Urquhart. He found much to worry and annoy him. In 1675 his brother, Major George Grant, gave him great offence by entering his territory, under cover of a commission to suppress robberies in the Highlands, and taking away, without his authority, farm stock from the lands of Borlum-more. In December of the same year, Malcolm Fraser of Culduthel and his brothers, Alasdair Roy and John Buie, made a sudden raid on Borlum, and lifted sixty ewes, thirty lambs, four horses, four mares, twelve cows, one ox, one stirk, and ten ells of linen, belonging to the tenants, Donald Og Mac Dhomhnuil and Alasdair Mac Dhomhnuill Vic Iain Dui, alias Macdonell, who afterwards sought redress in the Court of Session.   Act and Commission, Donald Oig v. Frasers, at Castle Grant.In 1676 the chamberlain repaired the Castle, at a cost of 200 merks Letter from William Trent, Inverness, dated 20th April, 1676, at Castle Grant— the last repairs probably it ever received, for troublous times soon overtook the ancient fortress. Next year he appears at a Presbyterial [195] visitation of the old church of Kilmore as an elder of the Parish; but even there he found no peace, for the harmony of the meeting was disturbed by a dispute between Grant of Corrimony and the Cummings of Dulshangie, regarding an encroachment by Corrimony on a grave within the church belonging to the Cummings Records of Presbytery of Inverness.And in October, 1678, he and his neighbours, John Grant of Glenmoriston, John Grant of Coineachan, and John Grant of Corrimony, and a host of other “heads and branches of families” throughout the Highlands, were required by royal proclamation to repair to Inverlochy, and give bonds for the peaceable behaviour of themselves and their tenants and servants. Antiquarian Notes, 188.

The people of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were not immediately affected by the persecutions of the Covenanters which disgraced the reign of Charles the Second. The minister and his flock conformed to Episcopacy, and there was no suffering within the Parish for conscience’ sake. But when, after Charles’ death, the Covenanters, led by the Duke of Argyll, attempted to place the Duke of Monmouth on the throne, the men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston and their neighbours were called upon to show their loyalty to King James the Seventh. In June, 1685, Lord Strathnaver, who was in command of the Royal troops, issued an order from the heights of Drumuachdar, commanding the Master of Tarbat, with his men, and Thomas Fraser of Beaufort, with the men of [196] the Aird, and Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown, with the Frasers of Stratherrick, the men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, and those of the Castle lands of Inverness, to join the Duke of Gordon in a proposed expedition into Argyllshire Dunbar’s Social Life (First Series), p. 310.The collapse of the rebellion, and the execution of Monmouth and Argyll, rendered the expedition unnecessary; but the preparations which had been made for the war greatly disturbed the North. At a meeting of the Presbytery of Inverness, held on 10th June, the minister of our Parish and other clergymen were absent, because they “could not wait upon the diet, considering the great stirs that was in the country in respect of the preparation to His Majesty’s host.” Records of Inverness Presbytery. The failure of the insurrection gave the Presbytery unbounded joy; and on the 13th of August our Parish joined in observing a day of solemn thanks giving “for the happy and successful suppression of the rebellion in both kingdoms.” Ibid.

But the observers of the fast cried “Peace, peace,” when there was no peace. While the Covenanters of the Lowlands were hunted down by the Episcopalians, the Highlands continued to be torn with clan strifes and cateran outrages. A meeting of Presbytery, held at Inverness on 5th September, 1688, was attended only by the ministers of Inverness and Kirkhill, “all the rest absent, some by reason of the great, stirs that were in the country anent the late rebellion, and bloodshed in Lochaber” Ibid[197]— an allusion to the skirmish at Mulroy. Before the end of the year the Prince of Orange landed in England, and drove James off the throne. James’ cause was taken up by John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, who, following the example of his great namesake Montrose, placed himself at the head of a Highland army. He was opposed by General Hugh Mackay, a Sutherlandshire soldier who had won the confidence of the Prince of Orange during a long military career on the Continent.

To the Covenanters, Dundee was evil incarnate — the “Bloody Claverse,” who had sold his soul to Satan, and, as part of the paction, was wading his way to the realms of darkness through the blood of the saints. To the Highlanders, on the other hand, he was the great Iain Dubh nan Cath — Black John of the Battles — a brave and chivalrous soldier, true to his religion, loyal to his king, devoted to his country, and, above all, an enthusiastic lover of the lore of their own bards and seanachies. The Macdonalds and Camerons joined him early, and brought in the smaller septs in their neighbourhood. Sir Ludovick Grant, the proprietor of Strathspey and Urquhart, adhered to the principles of the Revolution, and supported Mackay; but John Grant, younger of Glenmoriston, and James Grant of Shewglie, ignored the claims of their chief to their allegiance, and took the side of Dundee. Young Glenmoriston, better known by the name of Iain a’ Chragain, Iain a’ Chragain — John of the Rock. So called from his having resided on the Cragain Darraich of Blairie, after Killicrankie.brought 150 men into the field, while [198] James Grant, who had added the district of Inchbrine to his old wadset lands of Shewglie and Lochletter, Discharge by Ludovick Grant of Freuchie, to James Grant of Shewglie, dated 26th May, 1683, in possession of Dr Cameron, late of Lakefieldwas followed by his tenants, and by the Macdonalds and Macmillans of Urquhart.

Glenmoriston and Shewglie, placing themselves under the banner of the powerful Alasdair Dubh of Glengarry, joined Dundee in Lochaber on 18th May; but two months elapsed ere they had an opportunity of meeting the enemy. During that period of comparative inactivity Dundee experienced great difficulty in procuring necessary provisions for his forces, and a party of Camerons resolved to help him, and at the same time avenge the death of some of their clans men who had been hanged by the Laird of Grant. Quietly leaving his camp, they, apparently without his knowledge, marched into Glen-Urquhart, and began lifting cattle. The inhabitants resisted, and one of them — a Macdonald, who claimed connection with the family of Glengarry — imagined “that the simple merit of his name,” to quote Drummond, or rather Macgregor, of Balhaldy, Memoirs of Lochiel. The name Drummond was assumed by Macgregor of Balhaldy, in consequence of the penal enactments against his clan.“and the clan to which he belonged, was enough to protect himself and the whole name of Grant from the revenge of the Camerons. Confident of this, he came boldly up to them, and, acquainting them with his name and genealogy, he desired that, on his account, they would peaceably depart the country, without injuring [199] the inhabitants, his neighbours and friends. To this it was answered that, if he was a true Macdonald, he ought to be with his chief in Dundee’s army, in the service of his king and country; that they were at a loss to understand why they should on his account extend their friendship to a people who had, but a few days before, seized on several of their men and hanged them, without any other provocation than that they served King James, which was contrary to the laws of war, as well as of common humanity; that, as they had indeed an esteem for him, both for the name he bore and the gentleman to whom he belonged, so they desired that he would instantly separate himself and his cattle from the rest of his company, whom they were resolved to chastise for their insolence. But the Macdonald replied that he would run the same fate with his neighbours; and, daring them to do their worst, departed in a huff.”

The Camerons thereupon attacked the Urquhart men, and, killing some and dispersing the rest, drove their cattle in triumph to Lochaber. Dundee and Lochiel connived at their conduct, “both on account of the provocation they had, and of the supply of provisions which they had brought and generously distributed among the army.” But the brave Macdonald was among the slain, and his death was keenly resented by Glengarry, whose name the unfortunate man had unsuccessfully used to charm away the Camerons. “Glengarry,” says Lord Macaulay History of England“in a rage went to Dundee, and demanded [200] vengeance on Lochiel and the whole race of Cameron. Dundee replied that the unfortunate gentleman who had fallen was a traitor to the clan as well as to the king. Was it ever heard of in war that the person of an enemy, a combatant in arms, was to be held inviolable on account of his name and descent? And, even if wrong had been done, how was it to be redressed? Half the army must slaughter the other half before a finger could be laid on Lochiel. Glengarry went away raging like a madman. Since his complaints were disregarded by those who ought to right him, he would right himself: he would draw out his men, and fall sword in hand on the murderer of his cousin. During some time he would listen to no expostulation. When he was reminded that Lochiel’s followers were in number nearly double of the Glengarry men, ‘No matter,’ he cried, ‘one Macdonald is worth two Camerons.’ Had Lochiel been equally irritable and boastful, it is probable that the Highland insurrection would have given little more trouble to the Government, and that the rebels would have perished obscurely in the wilder ness by one another’s claymores. But nature had bestowed on him in large measure the qualities of a statesman, though fortune had hidden those qualities in an obscure corner of the world. He saw that this was not a time for brawling; his own character for courage had long been established, and his temper was under strict government. The fury of Glengarry, not being inflamed by any fresh provocation, rapidly abated. Indeed, there were some who suspected that he had never been quite so [201] pugnacious as he had affected to be, and that his bluster was meant only to keep up his own dignity in the eyes of his retainers. However this might be, the quarrel was composed; and the two chiefs met with the outward show of civility at the General’s table.”

Drummond of Balhaldy, whom Macaulay follows in this narrative, states that Glengarry “meant nothing more by the great noise he made, but to ingratiate himself with his people by humoring their vanity, and showing them that the least injury offered to the very meanest of them was equally his own quarrel.” Memoirs of Lochiel. The wisdom of his conduct appears evident; for among his followers were Shewglie and other Glen-Urquhart men who must have been well acquainted with the chivalrous Macdonald who had refused to save his life by deserting his neighbours. His feigned anger had the desired effect, and the men of Urquhart did good service at the battle of Killicrankie.

That battle, which the Highlanders know by the name of Rinrory, Raon Ruaraidh — Roderick’s Field, was fought on the 27th of July. Mackay was marching northward from Perth; Dundee was on his way south. Early in the day the armies came in view of each other. The Highlanders, wild with joy, clamoured for the fray; but the sun was fast sinking behind the Grampians before Dundee drew them out in order of battle. Lochiel was credited not only with great military genius but also with the power of divination, and just before the onset he was [202] consulted as to the issue. “That side will win that first spills blood,” replied the chief. “Do you hear that?" said Iain a’ Chragain, addressing a noted Glenmoriston deerstalker, who stood by his side, and significantly pointing to an officer who, mounted on a white steed, had galloped out of Mackay’s lines to survey the battlefield — “Do you hear that?” The stalker crouched forward, and fired; and down came the rider of the white horse, shot through the heart. Tradition in Glenmoriston.The battle now began. Casting off their plaids and coats, the clansmen rushed forward with shouts of exultation. The men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston formed part of a battalion led by the young chief of Glengarry, who carried the royal standard of King James. As they charged, Shewglie was brought to his knees by a ball that struck his shield; but it was only for a moment. Exclaiming, “Och, but the boddachs are in earnest!” he bounded forward Chambers’ History of the Rebellions.At a short distance from the enemy the Highlanders paused for a moment, and fired; and then, throwing away their firelocks, sprang upon the foe with claymore and Lochaber-axe. A Glenmoriston man, of the name of Mackintosh, especially distinguished himself by passing his sword from the left shoulder to the right loin of a Hessian soldier. Glenmoriston tradition. Mackintosh’s feat was one of “the three wonders of the battle.” His son fought for Prince Charles at Falkirk and Culloden; and his grandson, John Mackintosh, joined the British army, under John Grant of Glenmoriston, in 1780, and, after seeing service in India and elsewhere, returned to Glenmoriston, where he was remembered by persons who communicated the Killicrankie traditions to the Author.Mackay and his officers [203] did all that brave men could do, but the Highland avalanche swept all before it. The victory for King James was dearly bought by the death of Dundee. “How goes the day?” he asked, as he lay on the sward, mortally wounded. “Well for King James,” replied an attendant; “but I am sorry for your lordship.” “If it is well for him,” said the dying hero, “it matters the less for me.” His place was taken by General Cannon, who knew little of Highland warfare, and less of Highland sentiment, and who soon offended and alienated the chiefs. In less than a month, the men who had adored Dundee, and conquered as he lay dying, returned to their homes, dissatisfied and disheartened; “and all the fruits of victory were gathered by the vanquished.” Macaulay’s History of England.

For the part taken by Iain a’ Chragain in the rising his praises were sung in Latin verse by admiring Saxons, In “Praelium Gillicrankianum,” he is referred to in the lines:

(Glenmoriston the younger, suddenly become a warrior from being hitherto a hunter).
The author of “The Grameid,” in describing Dundee’s supporters, thus sings of our hero:

(With them also, from Glenmoriston, came as their companion in the war, the valiant Grant; not that degenerate Grant who takes his name from Balachastle [Freuchie, or Castle Grant], and who was following the party and the army of the Batavian robber, and was upholding the nefarious standard of the Dutch tyrant; but the bold Grant of Urquhart, bearing unstained honour in a faithful breast, and keen against the foes of the Caesar. He, following the ways of his great ancestors, took arms, and, undeterred by the misfortunes of the lime, contributed his help to his King. Through pathless tracts he climbs precipitous mountains with great equipment for the war. Tall in stature, he advances, leading his line; and there follows him into the camp, as their chief, the children of Grant, all in good order).

and in Gaelic duans by the bards of his [204] own people. His loyalty, however, cost his father and himself much. “The enemy was so enraged against him,” says Balhaldy, Memoirs of Lochiel. “that they burnt his own seat to the ground, plundered his people, and made such horrible devastations that the poor gentleman was obliged to offer some proposals of submission.” At Inverness, Sir Thomas Livingston dispensed military law at the head of the Scots Dragoons and the regiments of Lord Strathnaver (now an opponent of King James), Sir James Leslie, and the Laird of Grant. Young Glenmoriston and his followers had to be chastised, and Strathnaver was entrusted with the work. He himself has recorded that he did it well. “To raise up the spirits of such as were in the interest of King and Government,” says he in an unpublished report (a fragment of which is still preserved at Dunrobin), “I went out with a detachment from Inverness of five hundred foot, and three troops of [205] Sir Thomas Livingston’s dragoons, to Glenmoriston, where with great difficulty we forced open the iron gate [of Invermoriston House], not having a petard to blow it open. Some of the rebels very nearly escaped me, by a boy’s acquainting them of our march. [Graphic 06] I burnt their corn, and drove their cattle and horses that fell in my way, to Inverness. This put them into such a consternation that, notwithstanding our defeat at KiIlicrankie, above fifteen [206] hundred came and took the oath to King William and Queen Mary; and,” he adds, as if he felt he had overstepped his duty, “I had Sir Thomas Livingston’s warrant and approbation.” Sir Thomas accepted the responsibility, and wrote on the report:

“I, underwritten, do hereby declare that what was done at Glenmoriston was by my orders, and that I altogether approve of the commander’s conduct and diligence in that affair. — T. LIVINGSTON. At Inverness, the 6th of September 1689.”

These harsh measures brought little advantage to the Government. Young Glenmoriston constructed for himself a rude fort on the Cragain Darraich — Oak Rock — of Blairie, and continued true to King James. He soon found himself among friends. Urquhart Castle was garrisoned by Captain Grant with three companies of the Highlanders of Lord Strathnaver and the Laird of Grant; but the men were poorly armed, having neither swords nor bayonets, and only a few carbines sent them by the Duke of Hamilton. General Mackay’s Memoird of the Wars in Scotland and Ireland (Bannatyne Club), 299-302. Before the end of the year the old fort was besieged by the Jacobites. “I am certainly inform’d,” writes Sir James Leslie to Lord Melville, on 6th December, Ibid, 299 “that 500 of the rebells were come to Urquett [Urquhart]; they threatned the Castle, but I looke upon it to be in little dainger, they [the garrison] haveing a fortnight’s or three weeks’s provisions. I sent the last night Captain [207] Grant up with ten bowles [bolls] of meale, and ammunition, and thirteen men and a sargeant of my regiment, and twelve of my Lord Strathnaver’s; but the boat springing a leake by forcing her out of the river into the laugh [loch], he tooke but twelve of my men and a sargeant, and sent the rest back againe;" and, after referring to affairs in other parts of the country, he concludes: "I have just now received a letter from Corremonie, your nephewe’s brother-in-law, that the Highlanders are come into the countrey of Urquett, with 4 or 500 men, under the command of Glengerry and my Lord Fredrick [Fendraught], and this night or to-morrow they expect Laugheale [Lochiel] and Cannon with more forces. It is reported that a great many of the McKenzies are like to joyne them, as likewise severall of the Fraziers.” And he gives in a postscript a list of the districts reported as ready to join Cannon — among them being “the Urquhart and Strathglass men,” and “the Glenmoriston men.”

Captain Grant, notwithstanding the hole in his boat, reached his destination with his men and meal and ammunition; and, landing at the ancient water gate, which was beyond the reach of the fire of the Jacobites, “gott verry safe” into the Castle. From there he wrote Sir James Leslie that the enemy numbered 800 men — an estimate which he subsequently modified to 600. These circumstances were, on 9th December, reported by Sir James to General Mackay. “I have likewise,” said he, “given Captain Grant, commander of the Castle of Urquett, £5, [208] and am this day sending him ten bowles of meale more, with candles; which money I must lay out of my own pockett, and it costs me two per cent to gett, besides one per cent. to the officer for bringing it.” Corrimony, who had hitherto kept him informed of the course of events in the Glen, was himself now under suspicion. The Sheriff-Depute, added Sir James, “gives me notice that Corremonie is with the enemie, and severall others, soe that they play fast and loose, as they think fitt. I shall endeavour to put myselfe in the best posture I can, having given notice to all the countreys round about, as Ross, Elgin, and Murrey, to be in reddeness, and put themselves in the best posture they can for theire owne defence, having assured them of what assistance I can afford.” General Mackay’s Memoirs, 302-5.

The Jacobites, indeed, had now so far recovered from the confusion that followed Killicrankie, that, with a Montrose or a Dundee at their head, they might have turned the stream of British history. They had, however, no such leader. The Highland friends of the Stewarts were left to linger in Glen Urquhart for months, consuming the cattle and grain of the people, but achieving nothing else. In March, 1690, Cannon was superseded by General Buchan, who found the Highlanders disgusted, and their zeal all but extinguished. A few rallied round the new commander, including Iain a’ Chragain and the men of Glenmoriston. With these he went through Lochaber, Badenoch, and Strathspey, with the [209] intention of raising the vassals of the Gordons, and turning round on the garrisons in Inverness and neighbourhood. But his movements were watched, and, as his followers lay asleep on the Haughs of Cromdale, on the last night of April, they were surprised by Sir Thomas Livingston and his dragoons and the Reay and Grant Highlanders, and scattered naked over the moorlands. They never rallied again; and although Glengarry and Iain a’ Chragain and some others still withheld their allegiance from William and Mary, and continued to give trouble, the war in Scotland was virtually closed at Cromdale. Two months later, the hopes of King James were forever extinguished at the Battle of the Boyne. [Graphic 07]

Chapter 11