Urquhart and Glenmoriston
Olden Times in a Highland Parish

[210]

The Parish Unsettled — The Castle Garrisoned by the Whigs — They Vacate and Destroy it — Its Last Record — Its Chambers of Treasure and Pestilence — King William’s Measures to Subdue the Highlands — Devastation of Urquhart — The Losses of the Laird of Grant and his Tenants — Compensation recommended by Parliament, but refused by the King — Insecurity of Life and Property — Raids and Dackerings — Proceedings against Achmonie — Raids by Glenmoriston men on Dalcross, Glencannich, and Dunain — Colonel Hill endeavours to stop their Adventures — Horses Stolen from Shewglie — The Track and its Result — The Macmillans of Loch-Arkaig-side take a Spoil from Glenmoriston — The Fight of Corri-nam-Bronag — The Raid of Inchbrine — The Conflict of Corribuy — Death of Shewglie — His Son’s Revenge — Death of Gille Dubh nam Mart.

The Revolution Settlement, under which William and Mary became King and Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, brought no immediate peace to the Highlands of Scotland. The friends of the Stewarts still gave trouble, and for the protection of Urquhart a detachment of Lord Strathnaver’s men was, early in 1690, placed in the Castle. This garrison occupied it for at least two years — the last to which it gave shelter. The garrison probably consisted of 300 or 400 men. Sir James Leslie, writing to General Mackay from Inverness, on 9th December, 1689, stated that the Castle “could containe three companies very well, and, for a stress,four.” The written military record of the [211] [Graphic 08]old fortress closes on 11th January 1692 with an order upon the Provost and Magistrates of Inverness to furnish horses to carry meal for the garrison. The order, which is in the archives of the Burgh of Inverness, is in the following terms: “You are herby Requird to provide as many horses as may transport ten bolls of meal from the magazin of Inverness to the nearest end of Lochness, for the use of the guarison of Urquhart, and that aganst tomorrow morneing, the twelfte of January Instant. Given at Invernesse, January 11th, 1692. For Their Maj[esties’] Service.—R. CUNINGHAME To the Provost and Magistrats of the towne of Inverness.”It was soon afterwards vacated by these Whig soldiers, who prevented its occupation by the Jacobites by blowing up the keep and entrance towers, and destroying it as a place of strength. It was never afterwards repaired, and so dilapidated did it become by 1708, that the people took to carrying away the lead that covered its roof, and the wooden partitions that divided its chambers. See Appendix F. It is believed in the Parish that there are two secret chambers underneath the ruins of the Castle—the one filled with gold and the other with the plague. On account of the risk of letting loose the pestilence, no attempt has ever been made to discover the treasure. This myth, in various forms, and associated with various places, is as old as the classic fable of Pandora.Gunpowder and decay had done their work; and henceforth the Royal Castle, the pride of the North since the days of the War of Independence, is but a crumbling ruin.

The old Laird of Glenmoriston, and his son, Iain a’ Chragain, acting in concert with their neighbour, Glengarry, long refused to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary. On 11th January, 1692, the King issued instructions to Sir Thomas Livingston, ordering him to proceed against the “Highland rebels” who still held out for King [211] James, “by fire and sword, and all manner of hostility, to burn their houses, seize or destroy their goods or cattle, plenishing or cloaths; and to cut off the men. To that end,” adds the King, “you are to join the troops, and divide them in parties, as you see cause or opposition. The troops at Inverness lie most conveniently to be employed against Glenmoriston and Glengarry.” Papers Illustrative of the Highlands of Scotland (Maitland Club), p. 60.Vigorous measures, which culminated in the massacre of Glencoe, followed upon these instructions, and in the end the Highland chiefs yielded. [Graphic 09]

During the troubles of the Revolution, the Laird of Grant and his tenants in Strathspey and Urquhart suffered greatly. Despite the garrison in the Castle, Urquhart was devastated by the adherents of the Stewarts. In the hope of obtaining some redress, the Laird presented a petition to the Scottish Parliament praying that a commission should be issued to [213] the sheriffs and commissioners of supply of the shires of Inverness, Moray, and Banff, to enquire into the extent of the damage. His prayer was granted, and early in 1691, Hugh Fraser of Belladrum, and James Fraser of Reelick, two of the commissioners of supply for the county of Inverness, opened an enquiry in Glen-Urquhart and took the sworn evidence of the tenants and inhabitants. Their report, dated at Urquhart the 3rd and 4th days of February, bore that the losses in our Parish of the Laird and his tenants amounted to £44,333 5s 2d Scots, including the damage, assessed at £2000, done to the Castle by King William’s soldiers. Acts of Parl. IX, 426. This report, with another in reference to Strathspey, was duly submitted to Parliament; while the Laird presented a second petition in 1695, setting forth that in consequence of the ravages upon his estates “his tennents were so impoverished that he got little or no rent for several years out of his lands in Strathspey; and he was necessitat to discharge his tennents in Urquhart the entire rent of that Barony, which is £6000 Scots, and that for the years 1689, 1690, 1691, 1692, and 1693, their stocks being so entirely carried away that they could not continow to labour with out that abatement.” lbid. Including the above sum of £44,333 5s 2d and the rents, the losses in Glen Urquhart amounted to £74,333 5s 2d Scots. In Strathspey the Laird and his tenants suffered to the extent of £76,152 18s 8d, making between the two estates the enormous sum of £150,486 3s 10d Scots [214] — equal in value to the same amount in money sterling in our day — as the price paid for the Laird’s loyalty to King William. The Laird prayed Parliament to assess and declare the amount of his losses, and “either to appoint him a fund for his payment or at least to grant him a recommendation to His Majesty for the same.” The Committee for Private Affairs, to whom the matter was remitted for enquiry, found that the losses were correctly stated, and Parliament recommended “the said Laird of Grant to His Majesty’s Royal and Gracious consideration for repairing of the damages and losses contained in the foresaid report.” Acts of Parl, IX., 428.The recommendation was ignored by the “Royal and Gracious,” but very ungrateful William; and, notwithstanding repeated applications to himself and his successors down to the time of George the Third, no compensation has as yet been received for the damages and losses suffered by the Laird and his tenants.

The troubles which accompanied and followed the Revolution greatly increased the insecurity of life and property in the Highlands. During the last decade of the seventeenth century and the first few years of the eighteenth, the inhabitants of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were freely plundered; and they plundered as freely in return. A few of the raids in which they were implicated may be mentioned.

In February 1690, “two red horse” were stolen from Murdo Mac Coil Vic Curchy, one of The [215] Chisholm’s tenants in Comar, and “tracked” to the lands of Achmonie, which were then in the possession of William Grant. Chisholm took up the cause of his tenant, and instituted proceedings against Grant before “The Commissioners of Justiciary, appointed by His Majesty for securing the peace of the Highlands,” and on 31st May, 1698, judgment was given for £40 Scots, being the value of the two horses, £20 as the amount of loss, damage, and expense incurred by Murdo in consequence of the theft, and £6 of expenses. For these sums the Commissioners at the same time issued a precept of poinding, authorising their officers to distrain and sell Grant’s effects. On 3rd February 1699, the latter was “charged” by an officer, and he doubtless found it expedient to pay the amount contained in the judgment. Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.

Some time before July, 1693, Archibald Grant, alias Mac Conchie Vic Phatrick, in Coineachan, son of Duncan Grant of Duldreggan, carried away much spoil from James Dunbar of Dalcross, one of the bailies of Inverness. The bailie, on 4th July, obtained a decree of spuilzie in the sheriff court of Inverness, against Archibald and some of his associates, for the sum of £1224 17s 4d Scots of principal, with £60 of costs. The sums were, however, unpaid as late as October 1703, when Dunbar obtained “caption,” or warrant of imprisonment, against the debtors. Antiquarian Notes, 143; and Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.

[216] In May, 1698, the same Archibald Grant, with Patrick Grant, in Coineachan, his brother, and John Grant of Glenmoriston, were involved in legal proceedings in connection with the theft from William Chisholm, alias Mac Alasdair, tenant in Carrie of Glencannich, of “four cows, whereof one white-bellyit brown cow, two black cows, and the fourth prick hornit branderit cow.” The cattle, “after hot dackering,” Dacker, or daiker, to search.were “straightline tracked to the bounds and graseings of Coinachan, possest by the said Patrick and Archibald Grant, or the said John Grant of Glenmoriston; and they, being required to purge their saids bounds and graseings of the said track, they either refused, or could not doe the samen.” The Chisholm, as the complainer’s land lord, accordingly took the usual steps before the Commissioners of Justiciary, who gave judgment against the Grants for £48 Scots as the value of the four cows, £20 of expenses, loss, and damage, and £6 15s due to the Commissioners for administration in the cause. Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.

At the same court Donald Mac Conachy Vic Alasdair, in Dulchleichart, was found liable for 40 merks Scots, with £8 for loss and damage, and 10 merks and 2 shillings as the Commissioners’ fees, in respect of the theft from Alexander Mac Hutcheon Vie Coil, in Glencannich, of two cows: "both which cows prick-hornit and black colour. . . . And which cows, after diligent search and tryall made [217] therefor, were recently dackerit to the said Donald Mac Cutcheon, his said portion of Tullichard, or graseing thereof, called Ardmullen; and which track, being by the said Complainer [The Chisholm] intimate and published to the said Donald, he absolutely refused to purge his said portion of the said track.” Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.

John Grant of Glenmoriston repeatedly found himself in trouble in connection with the predatory enterprises of his people. Referring, apparently, to a raid on the lands of George, Viscount Tarbat, Colonel John Hill, Governor of FortWilliam, wrote as follows to his Lordship on 1st November, 1697: "I sent lately to Glenmoriston to settle with and satisfy your Lordship, which he promised to do; and if he fail, I shall be a quick remembrancer to him.” And the Commissioners of Justiciary granted a decree on 7th April, 1699, at the instance of Charles Baillie, as executor of the deceased William Baillie of Dunain, against Duncan Grant and James Grant, sons of the Tutor of Glenmoriston, John Riach Mac Finlay vic Coil in Achnaconeran, John Dubh Mac Coile, servitor or servant to Angus Roy Cameron, sometime in Invermoriston, James Roy Mac Croiter in Coineachan, Alexander Mac Iain vic Alasdair in Wester Inverwick, Finlay Mac Finlay vic Coil, brother of the said John Riach, Alexander Macdonald in Duldregganbeg, Peter Grant, brother of Glenmoriston and lately in Divach, Donald Dubh Mac Iain vic Neil, Malcolm Mac Coile vic Sorle, [218] Alexander Dubh Mac Conachie Vore, Dalcattaig, William Mac Conachie vic William there, Alexander Keill Mac Coill vic Coill in Glenmoriston, “and John Grant of Glenmoriston their Landlord, Master, Chieftain, for his interest,” for the sum of £2816 Scots, being the value of cattle carried away from Dunain during the deceased’s lifetime, with the sum of £281, being the tenth part of the value due to the Commissioners as their fees. The process upon which the decree proceeded, and the amounts therein contained, were assigned by the executor to William Baillie, then of Dunain, who made several attempts to recover the money. In these he was not successful; and after the lapse of twenty-two years — on 28th January 1721 — he sold the decree to John Grant, younger of Glenmoriston, grandson of the chieftain against whom it was originally directed. Translation by Baillie to Grant, recorded in Inverness Commissary Books on 4th May, 1727.

In the month of August, 1701, Thomas Fraser, in Shewglie, was secretly relieved by some unknown persons, of   “ane blew horse or gerron, Gerron: Gaelic gearran, a gelding, seaven-year old; ane dinish whyt-faced gerron, fyve-year-old, or thereby; and ane gray mear, about fyve-year-old.” Fraser tracked the horses across the river Enerick to Buntait, and thence to Comarkirktown, in Strathglass, possessed by John and Thomas Chisholm. The Chisholms were unable to clear their bounds of the track, and Fraser at once assigned his claim [219] against them to Major James Grant, chamberlain of Urquhart, who took the usual proceedings before the Commissioners of Justiciary. The Chisholms, although apparently innocent, were remiss in their defence, and were found liable in “the sum of ane hundred and nyntie merks, deponed upon by the said Thomas Fraser to be the value of the saids horses and mear, together with the sum of ane hundred and ten merks in lieu of the dammadges and expenses.” They now, when too late, endeavoured to push the track beyond their own lands, and succeeded in bringing it to the bounds of Corin draihk, and thence to Guisachan, the property of William Fraser, to whom they gave the customary intimation. The latter cleared himself by following it across the mountains “to the bounds and grazings of Lundie in Glenmoriston, possessed by Patrick Grant of Craskie, and Alexander Grant there, and Patrick Grant in Coineachan,” whom we have seen in a similarly suspicious position in 1698. The Grants received the usual notice, but, “notwithstanding the trackers stayed and resided upon the saids bounds the ordinary tyme appointed in such cases, yet they [the Grants] could not purge the same track from off their bounds.” The Chisholms accordingly caused a summons to be served on them on 12th May 1702, for the amounts in which they themselves had been found liable to the chamberlain of Urquhart. The case came before the Commissioners, within the tolbooth of Inverness, on the 26th, when the Grants were defended by a lawyer [220] named John Taylor, who “gave in certain defences in wreitt, against the officer, against the citationes being one fewer than fyfteen dayes, and the citationes being generall as to the tyme of stealing of the horses, colours, etc., of them, and craveing expenses in respect of the said informalities.” Unfortunately for the Chisholms, the lawyer’s pleadings prevailed. The Commissioners found that the summons had not been validly served, and ordered the defenders to be cited of new. Precept of Relief, Chisholms v. Grants, at Erchless Castle.The subsequent proceedings, if such there were, have not been pre served.

Patrick Dubh Grant of Craskie, whose name appears in these writs, was at one time, says tradition, spoiled of a number of cattle by a party of Macmillans from Loch-Arkaig-side. Pursuing the reavers, with his brother and his friends, he overtook them at Corri-nam-Bronag, between Glen-Loyne and Tomdoun in Glengarry. When he demanded restitution of the cattle, he got the reply, “You may take them, if you can.” He tried, and succeeded; but in the struggle several fell on both sides. The Macmillans still lie in the Corrie, where twelve cairns mark their graves. The Glenmoriston slain were brought home, and buried with their kindred in Clachan Mherchaird.

But the most notable event of those stormy times, connected with our Parish, was the Raid of Inchbrine, which occurred in 1691 or 1692. James Grant of Shewglie, who was killed in the raid, was alive on 14th May, 1691. No reference to him has been found after that date.The [221] story, as handed down by tradition, is as follows. Twenty years or more before the Raid, a vagrant woman from Lochaber arrived at Shewglie, and was provided with food and shelter for the night. Before morning she gave birth to a boy, whom the goodwife of Shewglie offered to keep and rear. The mother consented, and went her way. The boy grew up unbaptised, and, as he tended Shewglie’s cattle, he was known by the name of Gille Dubh nam Mart — the Black Lad of the Cows. His young companions taunted him with his origin, and made his life miserable; and at last he left Shewglie, and made his way to Lochaber. The Lochabermen soon brought his knowledge of Glen Urquhart into requisition; and under his guidance a party proceeded to the Glen, in search of plunder. Crossing the mountains, they passed by Shewglie, and came suddenly to Inchbrine, while the people were absent in the distant peat moss. Hurriedly lifting a large number of cattle, they retraced their steps along the old path leading through Corribuy and across Glen-Coilty. Summoned from the moss, the men of the Braes speedily gathered at the house of James Grant of Shewglie, and requested that he should lead them against the invaders. Shewglie, whom we have seen distinguishing him self at Killicrankie, had not a drop of coward’s blood in his veins; but the followers of the Gille Dubh were more numerous than the Urquhart men who had hastily met, and he advised delay until more were got together. “I will follow the Lochaber [222] men,” exclaimed his impulsive wife, Hannah Fraser, “and you may stay at home, and ply the distaff.” Smarting under the taunt, he bade his men follow him, and set out after the raiders, whom he over took on a small rocky plateau, lying to the south of the burn of Corribuy, ever since known as Cam Mharbh Dhaoine — the Rock of the Dead Men. The Gille Dubh stepped out to meet his late master. “I did not expect,” said the latter, “that you would be the one to lift cattle in Glen-Urquhart.” “Nor I,” replied the young man, “that you would be the one to follow me, seeing I have taken none of yours.” On Shewglie’s account the spoil was at once given up, and the men of Urquhart turned their faces towards their Glen. They had proceeded but a few paces when a hare started from among the heather, and ran across the moor between the two parties. Kenneth Macdonald, from Meiklie-na-h-aitnich, raised his gun, and fired at it. The shot had no effect on the hare, which was believed to be a witch, but it brought disaster on Kenneth and his companions. The Lochabermen thought it was intended for themselves and returned the fire. A desperate fight followed. For a time the Urquhart men kept their ground, and several of their opponents fell; but in the end they were forced to fly, leaving eight of their number, including Shewglie, dead in the heather. The Lochabermen not only took possession of the cattle again, but they also returned to Shewglie, and took every hoof belonging to that township. Hannah Fraser, weeping over the result [223] of her rashness, approached the Gille Dubh, and appealed for mercy. “Remember,” said she, “that I long befriended you, and that I am now a widow, and about to become the mother of a fatherless child.” There was no mercy in his reply: "Ma tha thu trom, beir searrach!“ — “ If you are with child, bear a foal!"

The people of Glen-Urquhart removed their dead from Corribuy, and raised cairns on the spots where the bodies were found. These still stand, one larger than the others marking the place where Shewglie fell. The Raid of Inchbrine was further commemorated in a lament, the words of which the Author has been unable to recover, with the exception of the first two lines:

(It was on a Thursday morning that they took the spoil of Inchbrine.)

The lady whom Gille Dubh nam Mart so grossly insulted was in due time delivered of a son, who early dreamt of avenging her wrongs. At last, when he had reached manhood, he rode alone to Lochaber, and came to the Gille Dubh’s house late in the evening. His request for quarters for the night was readily granted by that worthy, who, in accordance with the rules of Highland hospitality, refrained from enquiring who he was or whence he had come. Finding the young man entertaining, the Gille Dubh conversed with him on the deeds of former days till far into the night. Grant alluded to the Raid of Inchbrine, and induced his host to relate the story. When the tale was told, the young man sprang to his feet and exclaimed, “The hour of vengeance has [224] now arrived.” “Who are you?" angrily demanded the Gille Dubh. “I,” replied Grant, “am the foal which the goodwife of Shewglie carried on the day of the Raid of Inchbrine;” and, with these words, he plunged his dirk into the man’s heart. Rushing out of the house, he leapt into his saddle, and was far on his way to Urquhart ere the morning light fell on the lifeless body of Gille Dubh nam Mart. We find frequent references at this time to the unsettled state of the country. Writing in June, 1691, to Hay of Park, Sir Hugh Campbell of Cawdor, after giving an account of raids made upon himself and his neighbours by Lochabermen, concludes: “I tell you these things anent the condition of the country that you may let my good Lord Crawford know the case we are in, that so the Lords of Counsel may take us under their care and particular protection, and if their Lordships would please to order the Governor of Inverness or the Commander-in-Chief to lodge one hundred men at Dunmaglass, and as many, or more, at Aberarder, with a troop of dragoons (there is plenty of grass in that country) they would do much to secure us and all betwixt Spey and Ness, unless the Highlanders would draw to a head again, which we are boasted — in which case those little garrisons of Aberarder and Dunntaglass may easily in two hours’ time retire to Inverness without danger.”

Cawdor’s suggestion was ignored, and a similar suggestion made eight years later by Lord Tarbat for the protection of the country lying to the north of Loch Ness met the same fate. “When I retired to the North,” said his Lordship, writing to the Lord Chancellor in May, 1699, “I saw all people quiet in great part; only the Highland robbers were doing hurt to many of the peaceable subjects, whereof and of a suitable remedy as to the five northern shires and a part of Nairn I acquainted your lordship. And I do yet wish that the posting of some 80 or 100 of the forces from April to December twixt Invermoriston at the East, and the head of Lochourn at the West Sea, may be ordered, which would save these shires who now repine that the soldiers, who live in sloth and idleness, are not doing this good office to a considerable part of the nation, who give their money as frankly as any do for pay to these forces.” It was left to Simon, Lord Lovat, to carry Tarbat’s idea into effect. General Wade reported in 1725 that “the new-raised companies of Highlanders . . . were sent to their respective stations with proper orders; as well to prevent the Highlanders from returning to the use of arms, as to hinder their committing depredations on the low country. The Lord Lovat’s company was posted to guard all the passes in the mountains from the Isle of Skye eastward, as far as Inverness.”

Chapter 12